Due to social, political, and economic forces, much of the information associated with learned institutions such as courts, businesses, governments, and schools in the United States has been preserved or recorded in printed or written texts in standard English. A common assumption—one that recently is being challenged (e.g., see discussions in Olson, 1989; Wagner, 1986)—is that the predominant use of print and written language is the hallmark of an advanced civilization, one that possesses scientific and technological prowess. Theoretically, it is possible, albeit not economically or ecologically efficient, to preserve the same amount and diversity of learned, complex information in nontext-based forms, for example, audio-visual media. Nevertheless, proficiency in the use of print and written information, that is, in English text-based literacy skills, is a prerequisite for functioning adequately in a technological, information intensive society such as the United States, and for gaining access to higher education, scientific and industrial occupations, and the learned professions (Adams, 1990; Anderson, Hiebert, Scott, & Wilkinson, 1985). Within the guidelines presented in the introductory article of this journal, "Framework for Literacy: 1993 and Beyond" (Craig & Craig), the purpose of this article is threefold, that is, to discuss English text-based literacy and its ramifications for deaf people, according to three interrelated perspectives: 1. The relationship of text-based knowledge to the larger domain of literate thought (similar to "literate knowledge" or "literate know-how") 2. The significance of English literacy, particularly text-based literacy, for deaf people in a competitive, technological, information intensive workplace 3. The development of English text-based literacy skills in deaf people relative to theory, research, assessment, and instruction