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</script>The aim of Chapter 7 is to provide a unified analysis of gender licensing in Brazilian Portuguese. It proposes a mechanism of feature relativization in the Preminger sense (2014) to address the different syntactic patterns of gender agreement in the language. Preminger’s core idea is to deal with φ-agreement obligatoriness even in contexts in which it seems not to occur. The proposal points out that the different outcomes for gender are due to underspecification of the structure of the DP that contains this feature, and its combination with other features available in the inventory results in different interpretations in LF, which, in addition, may predict generalizations such as the option of default agreement as a predictable phenomenon in grammar.
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