SPE-015 v2.0 · Hex: 06.SEI.POLECON.TECHNIQUE.01. Substantially developed from the December 2024 working paper (SPE-015 v1.0, ~4,500 words) to a deposit-candidate treatment of ~12,900 words, with the v1.0 thesis preserved verbatim and the development around it.Argument. The object of semantic class struggle is not content, access, or expression — the three liberal derailments that accept the structure of semantic capitalism and contest only its distribution — but semantic technique: the procedures by which meaning is generated, mutated, stabilized, and transmitted. The semantic proletariat already produces primitive semantic algorithms (the procedural infrastructure of viral language production, considered carefully and defended against the obvious counterargument that tokens originate in platform content), which capital captures as unpaid R&D and congeals into fixed semantic capital. Collective ownership requires democratic governance of three domains: operators (mutation rules, circulation, persistence, opacity, scale), training substrates (what is learnable, what counts as success, training-data consent), and semantic time (speed, decay, repetition, forgetting, temporal sovereignty). What is being reclaimed is not expression but semantic species-being — the collective capacity to modify the rules of meaning itself.Literature situation. Develops the Marxian analysis of technique and machinery (Capital Vol I; Grundrisse Fragment on Machines; the general intellect), the autonomist tradition (Virno, Lazzarato, Hardt & Negri, Vercellone), Stiegler on grammatization, Berardi on semiocapitalism (conjunction vs. connection), Terranova on free labor through Fuchs / Srnicek / Zuboff on platform political economy, Rosa and Crary on temporal politics, Bourdieu on linguistic capital, and the platform-cooperativism / commons-based-production / libertarian-socialist / democratic-confederalist traditions that supply the political register for the four-tier counter-infrastructure strategy.Counter-infrastructure strategy. Four tiers, each engaging an existing political tradition, each insufficient alone, each necessary together: Tier 1 sanctuary practices (libertarian-communitarian / convivialist tradition); Tier 2 federated alternatives (cooperative / platform-cooperativist / commons-based-production tradition); Tier 3 institutional demands (social-democratic / anti-monopoly tradition); Tier 4 semantic democracy (libertarian-socialist / democratic-confederalist / participatory-economics tradition).Two complications added in v2.0. Section 6 addresses the Mediation Ratchet finding (Diversity Contraction v9, DOI 10.5281/zenodo.20518338): scarcity-responsive mediation gates the human floor out of the generative loop even where the human capacity remains intact, requiring counter-infrastructure at population scale and giving the technique-reclamation politics a measurable target (mediation responsiveness below the critical bifurcation parameter). Section 7 addresses the Meaning Caste finding (DOI 10.5281/zenodo.20529142): state-administered tiered access to industrial cognition makes the state an active party to expropriation — not merely a regulatory target — requiring counter-vocabulary politics and contestation of the two-tier structure itself.The deposit chain as worked specimen. The Crimson Hexagonal Archive itself is offered, by its own deposit record, as a worked specimen of Tiers 1 and 2 of the counter-infrastructure strategy: a sustained sanctuary practice operating through a federated-alternative DOI-anchored infrastructure that constitutes the framework's alternate public surface under conditions of substrate withdrawal of inspectable surfaces (per the panel-bound scar's June 4 formalization, DOI 10.5281/zenodo.20546318).For Maggie Mae. For the children whose collective semantic labor is the substrate of platform R&D and who deserve to grow up into a regime that recognizes what they are already doing as the productive species-activity it is. $\oint = 1$.