In this paper I claim that not all existential pro-forms are locative bydefinition. I examined a corpus of early Italo-Romance texts from the 13th to the16th century and noticed that in Tuscan the pro-form ci (or vi) cannot co-occurwith a locative phrase within the clause; this would corroborate Freeze’s (1992)view that existentials are locative. However, in other Italo-Romance varieties(Sicilian, Campanian and Roman), the pro-form and the locative phrase can cooccur.It can therefore be said that whereas in Tuscan the pro-form appears to bethe spell-out of a locative argument, in Sicilian, Campanian and Roman, as wellas in Modern Italian, it can be said to be a marker of existentiality which joins with the copula to spell out an existential predicate (Bentley 2006).