This paper presents an analysis of Dative Experiencer verbs in Spanish and Polish as compared to English within a parametric variation approach that groups languages into agreement-prominent and discourse-configurational ones. Based on a data elicitation experiment, we account for the surface word orderings of sentences with Dative Experiencers in terms of the feature inheritance theory. Assuming discourse features such as [Top] or [Foc], we argue that English and Polish move Experiencers to TP if they are not discourse-wise marked; otherwise, they move to CP. Spanish may move DEs to TP for both reasons: agreement and discourse.