This study investigates multiple indefi nite determiners in structures involving adjectival modifi cation in a Norwegian dialect. Determiner spreading has been observed in numerous non-standard Germanic varieties but has been most extensively explored in Modern Greek. This paper considers recurring indefi nites in Norwegian in light of Greek polydefi nites, fi nding numerous similarities. In both languages, structures involving multiple determiners allow violations of adjectival ordering restrictions (AORs) and are prohibited with adjectives that may not occur in predicative position. However, these similarities are only apparent, as both can be explained by the fact that polyindefi nites in Norwegian involve parallel direct modifi cation. Furthermore, they are homophonous with nominal proforms such as a big one (en stor en). These facts, together with their prosodic characteristics, hints at an analysis where these polyindefi nites are nominal proforms.