Chinese, Siamese and Lao -ais represented in 0. B., Bu., and L. by what is written here as -a-: 92) 0. B. dzag "robbery," M dz'ak "robber" (949); 93) 0. B. dah "meadow," Lao dah "plain, the country"; 94) 0. B. dhahs (pf.), pres. dhah-ba "to be out of breath; to fear, to be terrified," S. iah " to be benumbed, stupefied, astonished," iAM "immoveable, numbed; 95) 0 B. btab (pf.), idebs-pa (pres.) "to strike," S. top, Lao top; 96) 0. B. tam-pa "complete, full," L. tam " much, many," S. N'm "several, abundant"; 97) V ltudn "short, deficient (1015), S. tw9n " cut off, amputated, truncated," Lao tw9n "cut off, amputated, shortened"; 98) I ckcimc "metal, gold'" (386), S., Lao gaih (S. kim borrowed from Ch.); 99) M tang' "stool, bench" (982), S. tah, Lao tah "chair, seat"; 100) C CxiUqTn "smoke" (174),1 S., Lao gwdn (cf. Ka. and Luhupa 1ut); cf. also 101) Rawang a-1cah "permission," Ka. a-1cah, ' "kPng "to be willing, consent, permit" (314). What few correspondences there are between Ch. and S. and Lao do not show any correlations between -ain Ch. and the same vowel in S. and Lao but indicate rather that the shift from -ato -aor -aoccurred independently in each linguistic group. The only direct correspondence of Ch. -awith Daic -aso far found is one of Wulff's comparisons: 102) a cpuan " strenuous, energetic " (709), S. pwan "without rest, with persistence." In the above tables and comment not all the medial vowels and diphthongs to be found in Lusei, Chinese and Siamese and Lao have been considered due to lack of comparative material in which such vowels and diphthongs were found. The same applies to *-r, *-I, and *-s, which will be considered at a later date. But enough material has been given to show that phonetic equations for Sino-Tibetan languages are possible, contrary to the opinion of Wulff and others. For the ability to make these equations I have often been much indebted to the work of Wulff and others. Much, it must be admitted, yet remains to be done on the vocalism of Sino-Tibetan-the determination of the total number of vowel gradations, questions of whether a certain vowel was original Sino-Tibetan or due to vowel gradation in individual groups, the cause for vowel gradation, the question of whether long vowels were original in Sino-Tibetan, etc. Many of these questions will probably have to be determined statistically, due to conflicting evidence, after most of the possible comparisons have been made. 1 Mikir i-hon is given only by Stewart.