Korean caki ‘self’ has usually been analyzed through the contrast between local reflexivity and long-distance anaphora. But its distribution is broader and more discourse-sensitive than that contrast suggests. This article re-examines caki within Cognitive Grammar and argues that its interpretation is governed by domain-relative reference-point accessibility. Its main contribution is to extend semantic-binding and role-based discourse-pragmatic accounts by specifying the access relation that makes a participant available as an antecedent in a given domain. A participant licenses caki only when the relevant interpretive domain allows the target associated with caki to be accessed through that participant. Logophoric readings are a proper subset of this broader organization: caki is logophorically bound only when the reference point is the internal source of represented discourse or mental content. The analysis treats the diverse readings of caki as outcomes of a single reference-point mechanism and explains antecedent competition in terms of domain-relative access. It also treats the contrast between caki and caki-casin as a difference in default reference-point profiles. The article shows that Korean has systematic logophoric effects without a dedicated logophoric morpheme, with implications for the typology of anaphora and logophoricity.