This special edition of International Journal is presented in honour of Robert Spencer who, for a quarter of a century, was a professor at the University of Toronto. It is devoted to a wide-ranging discussion of Germany, Canada, and Canada-Germany relations, topics that were central to Spencer's scholarly work. This is also a very timely issue for two reasons: first, Germany was president of both the EU and G 8 in 2007 and several contributors discuss what implications these responsibilities have had for transatlantic and, specifically, Canada-Germany relations; and second, it comes at a time when Canada has witnessed something of a "Germany obsession" (see Markus Kaim's contribution) over Afghanistan.The two countries may have arrived at a crossroads, as each seems to realize that the other is simply a good friend pursuing its own specific interests, neither more nor less. Of course, as some of the contributions argue, such "interests" reflect domestic pressures and have emerged over time. Nevertheless, in each country there appears to be some disillusionment about the other's foreign policy initiatives and general directions, whether it is Canadians looking at Germany's Afghanistan policy or Germans looking at Canada's Arctic policy. Is there a growing perception that we can no longer take as given the transatlantic solidarity and common values that characterized assumptions about each other's foreign policy agenda and that made Canada-Germany relations special?Or, if we look at the current situation from a more historical perspective, are we simply passing through a phase? Today's public feelings of "Germany. ..letting down the side, and Canada in particular" and "lapses of solidarity"1 are mirrored in earlier Canadian-German dissonances, for example in the late 19603, when Prime Minister Trudeau contemplated the complete withdrawal of Canada's NATO troops from Germany and then announced their reduction in 1969. In those years, it was the Germans who felt that Canada was letting down the side, and Germany in particular. Then, as now, the existence of shared security interests and values was questioned. In the end, a Canadian-German rapprochement symbolized by the Mannerfreundschaft (friendship between men) between the two leaders, Trudeau and Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, helped weather the storm. In fact, descriptions of the transatlantic community as Schicksalsgemeinschaft (community of fate) and Wertegemeinschaft (community of values) have been challenged ever since they were espoused. Undeniably, current Canada-Germany relations find themselves at a critical junction but, as most authors in this issue would agree, the relationship is a very durable one.Many things have changed since the Schmidt-Trudeau friendship. Both countries have become integral parts of regional arrangements, which directly affects their room for maneuver in specific foreign policy fields. This is more so the case for Germany, which is increasingly bound by EU common policies. Germany itself often champions European approaches over national Sonderwege (special paths), as it often considers the European path to be in its best national interest. Acknowledging the importance of such regional structures and the internationalization of formerly domestic policy fields, we conceptualize "relations" broadly. The articles in this issue transcend the national/ internation al dichotomy and also go beyond bilateral relations as traditionally defined. Canada and Germany are often not simply linked through political bilateral relations, but also, indirectly, through a third dimension. That is, Canadian-German political relations consist of finding common - or at least complementary - policies on global issues and trying to avoid working at cross-purposes. It also means that both countries often deal with each other in regionally or internationally mediated ways; linkages exist via institutions such as the EU, NAFTA, NATO, UN, G8 or transatlantic forums. …