
XI в. Эти наблюдения могут заметно поколебать априорно принятое утверждение о денационализации представителей армяно-халкидонитской общины, в особенности на территории Византийской империи за пределами Армении.The Armeno-Chalcedonian community could not emerge prior to the Council of Chalcedon (451). If we take into account the almost century-long lacuna between this Council and the perception of its decisions in Armenian Church and society, then we have to assign its emergence to an even later date. It was only at the turn of the 7th century that the non-Chalcedonian Armenian Church worked out its distinctive doctrine. The unity of the ethnic conscience of the Armenians was secured by their common origins, the common territory, historical memories, everyday life, culture and beliefs shared by them, but first and foremost by their common language. Armenia was not characterized by the linguistic pluralism of the great empires; however, its contacts with the neighboring states introduced into communication their respective languages, among which the most significant were Greek and Georgian. They were penetrating into the Armenian world as means of political, diplomatic, administrative, cultural and confessional communication. From the end of the 10 th century onwards the Armeno-Chalcedonians referred to themselves as not only Armenians ethnically, but also as Romaioi or Iberoi denominationally. Orthodox Armenians which formed a significant part of the Armenian ethnos emerged as a result not of ethnic, but of cultural transformations. These transformations, however, had their own linguistic boundaries. The Greek and Georgian languages, entering Armeno-Chalcedonian culture through liturgical books, secular literature and even through everyday communication, did not push Armenian to the periphery. An analysis of two Armeno-Chalcedonian sources demonstrates that the Armenian linguistic substratum showed itself both in the anonymous work of an author who lived in Armenia in the 7 th century and in the Typicon by Gregory Pakurian, written for his monastery in the Balkans which was built in the 11 th century. These observations could noticeably undermine the a priori assumption that the members of the Armeno-Chalcedonian community were Hellenized, especially outside the boundaries of Armenia proper, on the territory of Byzantine Empire.
Языки соседних стран входили в армянский мир как средство политического и дипломатического общения. Догматические разногласия сделали греческий язык, как впоследствии и грузинский, еще и маркером конфессиональной принадлежности. Но эти языки, входя в употребление армян-халкидонитов, не вытесняли армянский и служили культурной, а не этнической трансформации. Источниковедческий анализ двух армянохалкидонитских источников показывает, что армянский лингвистический субстрат проявляется и в произведении Анонима, жившего в VII в. в Армении, и в Типике Григория Пакуриана для его монастыря на Балканах, построенного в
ХРИСТИАНСКИЙ ВОСТОК, АРМЯНО-ХАЛКИДОНИТСКАЯ ОБЩИНА, ЭТНО-КОНФЕССИОНАЛЬНОЕ САМОСОЗНАНИЕ, ВЗАИМОДЕЙСТВИЕ ЯЗЫКОВ КУЛЬТУРЫ И КОНФЕССИИ, ИСТОЧНИКОВЕДЧЕСКИЙ АНАЛИЗ, "ПОВЕСТВОВАНИЕ О ДЕЛАХ АРМЯНСКИХ" (VII), "ТИПИК ГРИГОРИЯ ПАКУРИАНА" (XI), NARRATIO DE REBUS ARMENIAE (7 TH CENT.), TYPICON BY GREGORY PAKURIAN (11 TH CENT.)
ХРИСТИАНСКИЙ ВОСТОК, АРМЯНО-ХАЛКИДОНИТСКАЯ ОБЩИНА, ЭТНО-КОНФЕССИОНАЛЬНОЕ САМОСОЗНАНИЕ, ВЗАИМОДЕЙСТВИЕ ЯЗЫКОВ КУЛЬТУРЫ И КОНФЕССИИ, ИСТОЧНИКОВЕДЧЕСКИЙ АНАЛИЗ, "ПОВЕСТВОВАНИЕ О ДЕЛАХ АРМЯНСКИХ" (VII), "ТИПИК ГРИГОРИЯ ПАКУРИАНА" (XI), NARRATIO DE REBUS ARMENIAE (7 TH CENT.), TYPICON BY GREGORY PAKURIAN (11 TH CENT.)
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