9 Such a conception is evident in a range of definitions of sovereignty in international relations, including negative (Jackson, Quasi States, pp. 27-9), external (Bull, The Anarchical Society, pp. 16-17), juridical (Samuel Makinda, 'The United Nations and State Sovereignty: Mechanisms for Managing International Security', Australian Journal of Political Science, 33:1 (1998), p. 104) or Westphalian sovereignty (Stephen Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press,1999), pp. 3-4).
10 Such a conception of sovereignty is particularly apparent in the work of proponents of humanitarian intervention. For example Wheeler, Saving Strangers; Alex J. Bellamy, 'Humanitarian Intervention and International Society', Review of International Studies, 29:3 (2003), pp. 321-40.
11 On this point, see Jens Bartelsen, A Genealogy of Sovereignty (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
12 Norman Fairclough, Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language (London: Longman, 1995), p. 1.
13 On this point see R. B. J. Walker, Inside/Outside: International Relations as Political Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 159-83.
14 Wouter Werner and Jaap de Wilde, 'The Endurance of Sovereignty', European Journal of International Relations, 7:3 (2001), p. 302.
15 William Maley, for example, argues that when Australia acceded to the 1954 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, 'it relinquished as a sovereign act any absolute control over who could enter the country and under what circumstances'. William Maley, 'Asylum-Seekers in Australia's International Relations', Australian Journal of International Affairs, 57:1 (2003), p. 189.
16 M. Gibney, 'Liberal Democratic States and Responsibilities to Refugees', American Political Science Review, 93:1 (1999), p. 178.
17 On these points, see Don McMaster, 'Asylum-Seekers and the Insecurity of a Nation', Australian Journal of International Affairs, 56:2 (2002), pp. 279-90. The increase in suffering of asylum-seekers is particularly apparent in the context of the mental health implications of long periods in detention centres, particularly for children. On this point, see Mitchell Smith, 'Asylum-Seekers in Australia', Medical Journal of Australia, 175 (2001), pp. 587-9.
18 On this point, see Andrew Linklater, The Transformation of Political Community (Cambridge: Polity, 1998), p. 206). For a discussion of partial and impartial approaches to the obligations of liberal democratic states to refugees and asylum-seekers, see Gibney, 'Liberal Democratic States'.
19 On Australia's historical fear of (particularly Asian) immigration, see Don McMaster, Asylum Seekers: Australia's Response to Refugees (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2001).
20 Katharine Gelber, 'A Fair Queue? Australian Public Discourse on Refugees and Immigration', Journal of Australian Studies, 77 (2003), p. 29. [OpenAIRE]
21 Sophie Morris, 'New Bid to Repel Asylum Seekers', The Australian, 5 November 2003, pp. 1, 6.
22 This created a diplomatic furore, with an Indonesian Immigration Department spokesperson arguing that Australia was treating Indonesia like a 'trash bin'. Kimina Lyall; Sophie Morris and Marianne Kearney, 'Not Your Trash Bin', The Australian, 13 November 2003, p. 1. When parliament reconvened on 24 November the regulations were disallowed by the Senate: Mark Phillips, '4000 islands put back on the map', Herald-Sun, 25 November (2003), p. 2.
23 McMaster, Asylum Seekers, p. 67.