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Research on differentiated integration (DI) in the European Union has burgeoned in recent years. However, we still know little about citizens��� attitudes towards the phenomenon. In this article, we argue that at the level of individual citizens, liberal economic values increase support for DI. Stronger preferences for equality, in contrast, make opposition to the concept more likely. Similarly, concerns about discriminatory differentiation at the member state level lead citizens to oppose DI. We test the theoretical claims by analysing survey data on citizens��� attitudes towards a ���multi-speed Europe���. Supporters of DI, indeed, are marked by liberal economic attitudes. In contrast to general EU support, we do not find robust correlations with socio-demographic variables. Moreover, the data reveal striking differences amongst macro-regions: support for DI has become much lower in Southern European states. We attribute this opposition to negative repercussions of the Eurozone crisis.

Dans cette étude je mènerai l'analyse de l'expression des émotions dans les lettres des poilus et des effets discursifs produits par leur inscription en discours. Une première partie sera consacrée à des questions méthodologiques concernant notamment le choix des observables discursifs à prendre en compte : le risque est en effet de se perdre dans la profusion des marques langagières pouvant exprimer les émotions en discours, tant il est vrai que « la fonction émotive, patente dans les interjections, colore à quelque degrés tous nos propos, aux niveaux phonique, grammatical et lexical » (Jakobson 1963: 215). Ensuite, à partir des distinctions entre émotions énoncées, montrées et énonciatives, je me pencherai sur la catégorisation des différents moyens discursifs relevables dans les lettres des poilus. Quels types d'émotions prédominent dans le corpus analysé ? Dans quels contextes discursifs sont-elles énoncées et comment ? Enfin, j'essayerai de montrer que l'expression des émotions dans ce contexte participe de la construction d'une visée argumentative plus large (Amossy, 2010 [2000]), par laquelle les scripteurs entendent emporter l'adhésion du destinataire et, notamment, rechercher une communion de sentiments et d'états d'âme, un sentir avec l'autre, tout en installant une vision critique de leur expérience et des discours officiels. Cette vision critique ne saurait pas être appréhendée entièrement si l'on ne prend pas en compte le champ discursif dans lequel ces discours se situent par le biais de nombreux renvois interdiscursifs parsemés dans les textes. This paper deals with the expression of emotions in First World War soldiers' letters. It aims to analyse the discursive construction of the argumentative dimension through which soldiers' letters come to diverge from official discourse, particularly that of the press. The first part of the essay looks at the soldiers' image emerging from the "champ discursive" (Maingueneau, Charaudeau 2002) constructed by the press through the publication of soldiers' letters during the Great War. The second part of the essay examines a number of discursive forms allowing soldiers to express their emotions in order to list the enunciative categories used by soldiers and make some methodological considerations on the study of emotions in discourse. In this context, the massive expression of soldiers' emotions seems to respond to a larger argumentative strategy, thanks to which the authors try to reveal their perspective on the events of war and their experience of the trenches, as well as to distance themselves from their present situation. Finally, this essay attempts to analyse the relationship between the linguistic expression of emotions and the discursive dynamics appearing in the letters.

This article investigates the role of digital media in mechanisms that sustain the achievement of social movement outcomes during key phases of mobilizations that aim to impact policymaking. It does so by comparing two anti-corruption initiatives in Brazil that became legislative bills through popular petition and included the employment of digital media to support them: the Ficha Limpa (or Clean State Law) and the Ten Measures Against Corruption (TMAC) campaigns. Based on in-depth interviews with key activists and secondary sources, including an analysis of the campaigns' digital media content, this study evaluates three types of outcomes in the political realm: access, agenda, and policy responsiveness. Although both anti-corruption initiatives elicited public preference and placed their legal inputs in the public agenda of the political system, they were not equally successful in converting their ideas into new legislation. The Ten Measures was a campaign that occurred when the digital affordances for civil society actors were considerably higher, but it did not achieve positive outcomes as the Ficha Limpa did. This article suggests that initiatives focusing more on online mobilization strategies without a clear advocacy approach to negotiate with (and pressure) public officials do not seem to be enough to promote policy changes.

The aim of this paper is to investigate conflicts against Roma settlements by considering not only the decision-making processes and relations of force, but also the complex dynamics of the attempts to define the assets that are the object of conflict wherein rules and authorities are both acknowledged and criticised. The main topic is related to the sociological debate on the normative polarisation concept, and this paper suggests an analytical method for defining normative polarisation that considers the state's active role in promoting the racial exclusion of Roma. Evidence for this study originates from ten fieldwork case studies in Italy. We will analyse two cases (Rome and Milan) in which conflicts led to the disintegration of social ties and the polarisation of normative positions; a compromise has not been reached because these conflicts have not contributed in any way to mediating institutions. Case studies in small Italian cities will be subsequently introduced. In these cases, institutional mediation played a role in their respective conflicts' dynamics by linking the actors and involving them in regulation issues concerning resource allocation and coordination for delivering collective goods. The main theoretical results focus on the central role that groupings of objects, rules, and conventions play with both a performative power as law and public policy instrumentation within these conflicts' dynamics.

A l'heure ou l'urbain se structure selon l'esprit dominant de la postmodernité, nous nous intéresserons à la façon dont ce dernier infiltre également les pratiques artistiques numériques qui questionnent la cité au sens de la civitas c'est à dire à la fois les citoyens en tant que membres d'une communauté, le territoire qu'ils occupent et leurs droits. Nous nous interrogerons sur la façon dont certaines d'entre elles, qui tentent de proposer de nouvelles lectures de l'espace, de susciter de nouvelles perceptions et pratiques urbaines, légitiment une représentation du corps connecté et mis en réseau. Nous tenterons de saisir le paradigme du corps postmoderne auquel l'art donne forme, en prenant appui sur l'analyse de l'oeuvre "A-Reality" de l'artiste français Adelin Schweitzer. Nous verrons comment, par le biais de l'utilisation de la technologie numérique dans une modification de la réalité en temps réel, le corps du participant est isolé, déstabilisé, mis en spectacle, soumis à la machine et à l'artiste. Nous proposerons une piste de compréhension des valeurs qui président à une telle considération des corps. At the hour or the urban forms itself according to the dominant spirit of the postmodernité, we shall be interested in the way the latter also infiltrates the digital artistic practices which question the city in the sense of the civitas that is at the same time the citizens as members of a community, a territory which they occupy and their rights. We shall wonder about the way some of them, who try to propose new readings of the space, to arouse new perceptions and urban practices, legitimize a representation of the body connected and put in network. We shall try to seize paradigm of the postmodern body which the art embodies by being supported on the analysis of the work "A - Reality" of the French artist Adelin Schweitzer. We shall see how, by means of the use of the digital technology in a modification of the real time reality, the body of the participant is isolated, destabilized, put in show, subjected to the machine and to the artist. We shall propose a track of understanding of the values which preside over such a consideration of bodies.

This article aims at analyzing the recent mutations of the Breton repertoire of contention. To do so, it proposes to look at the example of an association called "Dibab", which praised participatory democracy by organizing local votes on nationalitarian topics in small Breton towns during the year of 2015. Having a look at the trajectory of Dibab activists shows that many of them had started their militant career years ago, and were familiar to more radical pro-independence organizations. How do these activists have managed to play with different political strategies without losing their ideological frames? How have they expressed different kinds of commitment through their political practices and discourses? Observations, document studies and semi-structured biographical interviews disclose that the construction of a new participatory ideal by radical Breton activists does not prevent them from being multipositioned in the militant field, widening their action spectrum by doing so. That is why the Breton repertoire is better understood as a continuum. Indeed, long term processes and the juxtaposition of different spaces of mobilization must be taken into account in the analysis.

Analyses of the Spanish mobilization cycle between 2011 and 2013 concur with considering the critiques of corruption (and the growing discredit of traditional parties), one of the two key factors that has been determining in the emergence of the 15-M movement (the Indignados), the other being the economic crisis. This article investigates the link between anti-corruption from below and the claim for popular sovereignty in the Spanish case. In Spain movements' requests and discourses have found a clear translation on the electoral plan. Podemos, a party founded in 2014, considers itself the electoral expression of 15-M. For these reasons, the analysis focuses on Podemos and its anti-corruption discourse as well. The analysis is conducted in a historical perspective. Popular sovereignty has been the fundamental claim of the first social movements born in Europe in the second half of the eighteenth century. A historical comparison is carried out between the anti-corruption frames of democratic movements between 1760 and 1848 and the present ones, giving particular attention to their nexus with the claim for popular sovereignty.

This is the last audio put out by Nigerian jihadi leader Abubakar Shekau before his death (19-05-2021), in Hausa Langage. It is a rare source, distinct from his usual public propaganda. Addressed to internal jihadi audiences, it sheds light on a number of key aspects, from the events that led to his death to the political economy of plunder, a key issue in Shekau���s jihad. Its most interesting takeaway, however, is about the relation between a local jihadi organisation and the global jihadi structures of Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State. It illustrates Shekau���s complex and ultimately unsuccessful strategies of extraversion���using the appeal and resources of global jihad while trying to contain its demands. Shekau���s testament, 18 May 2021. English translation Translated from Hausa and Arabic All praises be to God. May peace and blessing be upon the Seal of the Prophets [one of the designations of Prophet Muhammad]. May peace, mercy and blessing be upon you. By the grace of God, my dear brothers, we are in the month of Shawwal 1442 of the calendar of the Hijra of the Prophet from Mecca to Medina [13 May to 10 June 2021]. God knows best. I want to repeat the message I delivered in Kanuri yesterday morning among the brothers. Now I want to deliver it in Hausa. I want this message to spread all around, even by a jinn [spirit], as far as we want. This is enough, God willing, as religion. The first thing is about those who have come here and have connived with some of us to deceive us. God did say that it is impossible for a group of people to assemble under a leader and declare that they are the path of God, and then some harm happens from the outside. According to God and his messenger, God does not change the condition of people unless they have changed it themselves [meaning that an Islamic community can only be hurt if traitors are involved]. God has also warned us that we [Muslims] should not harm one another. This is why I decided to pledge allegiance [to the Islamic State Caliph]. Even if one is wronged in the religion, it is not a reason to divide the religion. The thing that God and his Prophet dislike most is division. This is the first thing, by the will of God. And so, they have imposed a fight upon us and they have betrayed us with [the help of] our own people. These are people whom we trusted, who pretended to work with us and they pledged to God that they would not betray the religion. Well, no problem. God hears us now. Through these explanations I record, God will make this message heard wherever he wants it to be heard, even underwater. As long as you are sincere��� The trick they have played, those who have just come��� We have seen the war they have waged. Many brothers were killed. Others were wounded in this war conducted by some of our own people. It is not them [ISWAP] who did this damage to us, it is the people among us. Now, they are talking. They are pleased about the disaster that we have faced because of our own. Without this method [allying with some of Shekau���s men], there would have been no way. We withdrew for tactical reasons, and they think they have defeated us. They talk to people to deceive them and say that we are one, that we have always been one, that they have not come to fight us. ���Our target, it is what imam [religious guide, Shekau���s title as leader of JASDJ] Shekau has done��� or ���it is what wali [governor, the title which designates the leader of a branch of the Islamic State] Shekau has done.��� This is the truth of their words. ���Do you see? Ghanima [war booty] is not shared with you [fighters] sometimes. And what has been done to you sometimes��� [Shekau alludes to longstanding accusations that he has mistreated a number of his followers].��� These are the explanations they have given. Sometimes, they simply say ���Imam, you, you must surrender. Let us apply religion simply. We have brought [true] religion to this forest.��� This means that the one who has betrayed religion is Shekau. In some explanations��� Then, in some [other] speeches, they say ���everybody has seen us, everybody knows us. We were qaid [commanders] under Shekau. We are together. We were doing everything together. There is no problem. Right now, if there is a way to tell Shekau to declare his loyalty to Abu Ibrahim��� He is the one who has succeeded to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi as Caliph.��� They even agree for me to be the wali for the whole of Africa [provided he pledges allegiance to the IS Caliph]. That is what they are going about saying. I am reporting this in accordance with their own statements. This is being fair in words. So, you see? When truth will reach someone, he will deny saying that. And so, if that person did not say that, what is the origin of our misunderstanding? About this too, I will leave a recording, so God can hear, and so all those who want to live according to the religion can hear. If I am the guilty one, I have deceived my Umma. But if it was the Caliph who has not heard [has not been well-informed about the situation], then let him explain his own point of view. I know that the problem between us is not about kaba`ir [major sin], ahkam [rulings] or ibadat [worship], but it is about aqida [creed] and so it is a matter of kufr bawah [open disbelief]. What is kufr bawah, according to religion��� it���s not something about me and them. If I hear that the Caliph has committed kufr bawah, God says: ���we have against him a justification that comes from God��� [meaning that it is legitimate to rebel against a Caliph who has committed kufr bawah]. We saw in the book��� well, it���s not even worth mentioning the book. If the person is honest, he has surely heard about that proof. And then they came and said ���we are all one.��� You saw this? So, if we are one, and I have made an error��� One does not oppose an erring leader. You have to refer at least to [the following principle]: ���If you are fighting between yourselves over anything, refer to God and his Messenger.��� This is what you must use. It will be better. But if it is a matter of kufr or, worse, of kufr akbar [major disbelief], then there is no option: this problem, only God can solve it. Then the solution is, if you have a justification and you die over it, God will accept you. Stay how you are. If you die, I swear that you will have gained. Such is our religion. Then, what created a conflict between us and them��� they think that any man��� meaning��� the way they are��� I am going to say what came to pass between us. If they did not say this or if they don���t really know, they must repent. If they know, the case if closed. If they don���t know or were deceived because of their lack of knowledge, they should listen to and translate [this audio]. I swear that if one brings a proof, even as a joke [Shekau is trying to emphasise his readiness to accept a discussion in any circumstance], from God and his Messenger��� I have never rebelled against the Caliph. This is what I have said. Those with whom we were living here [meaning, the dissenters before they left to create the faction which eventually took over the ISWAP name], they created this argument about kufr between the Caliph and I. Then they refused to inform the Caliph about the real problem. If I hear of kufr anywhere, I will not let it stand waiting for the Caliph to hear about it. If I hear, anywhere it [kufr] is, I will not let it stand until the Caliph hears about it. God is witness. If I hear, anywhere it [kufr] is, I will not let it be until the Caliph hears about it. Then, what God asks of me in this instant is to abide by God���s recommendations. This is it. All our problems are known. What I have said��� The people of Nigeria��� Not even the people of Nigeria, but all of the people of Africa��� Someone who has not known Islam, even if he follows some [Islamic] rituals��� We accept some [as Muslims] and we refuse others. If a person was not born with a pure faith, and then we capture him as a kafir and he does not repent��� That person is a kafir by origin. This is what I said. Then, they said that those people of Nigeria who pray and do other things, if we capture them, we cannot say they are kufar. They are murtadin. If you say they are murtadin, [it means] you have evidence that they had a pure faith before. God has acknowledged ��� I ask the protection of God against Satan ��� the faith of these murtadun in the beginning: ���O believers! Whoever among you apostasises������ Any person that God calls ���O believers,��� their faith is great. All those persons who commit kufr, some of their works are kufr but others are Islamic. The Jews said the same things: ���we agree with certain parts [of Islam], we can support them. Other parts, we cannot.��� God said ���You are the real kafir.��� ���You are the real kafir.��� This is it, first. The first question��� but this��� we have begun��� God know that the day of Judgment will come. Then, the second question: those who pray and hand around [under the authority of the Nigerian state]. They [ISWAP], they fight only the taghut [idol; a central item of Salafi-Jihadi theology, and, by extension, those who follow other laws than God���s, and in this instance, officials of the Nigerian state]. They fight only those who bear arms. The civilian who are subjects [of the Nigerian state], they only get preaching [from ISWAP], as they are showing now. They think that cannot even enslave them. This is my disagreement with them. Me, I say that anybody who is proven to be a kafir, he should be captured because of religion, he should be a slave. And what of women? They are slaves. This is my second problem. I know that if this message goes through, Hausa is not an obstacle. There are, throughout the world, people who can translate in Arabic. Only today��� even today, it is because the problem is internal. This is why. I will record another message for the outside, in the Arabic language. It is easy. Such is the second problem. Those are the things that have divided us. Among what they say in a low voice, they have quoted ���every child is born with fitra [an innate disposition to obey God].��� They are cheating people with this too. ���Every child is born with fitra.��� Yes, I swear, I agree. Prophet Muhammad (peace and blessing upon him) did say that. It is [the child���s] parents who make him a Jew, a Christian or a Majus [a follower of the Mazdean or Zoroastrian religion and, more recently, a Shiite]. So, everyone who has turned into a Christian is a Christian. Everyone who has turned into a Jew is a Jew. Everyone who has turned into a Majus is a Majus. Anywhere he is. If you do the Jewish rites, you are a Jew. If you do��� what, again?... the Christian rites, you are a Christian. If you do the rites of the Majus faith, you are a Majus. And then, if you practice shirk [idolatry, a grave sin consisting in associating someone to God in worship], you know that God does not agree. Any person who associates God [with some other entity]��� So what? You wanted God, and then you mentioned someone else��� Why is a company defined as an association? It is because it has several shares. God said that he does not associate with anyone. It is Him alone that one must adore. Such is the definition of shirk. There are two kinds of shirk. One is called shirk akbar [major shirk]. When one adores someone else than God. It suffices that I say this, anyone who does that is a kafir. He will never get out of Hell. And you are just going to call him a kafir. If he was a believer [before], he is a murtad [now]. If he has always been like that, or if he was born on that path and followed his parents, he is simply a kafir because has has never received Islam. I don���t know about the Arabs, those born in Iran, in Saudi Arabia and so on. There, one can find people who have found their parents on the path of Islam. But I know that here, it is difficult to find a 60-year old person [who was born into proper Islam]��� In Nigeria, unbelief entered more than fifty years ago. It is difficult to find among us a fifty-year old person [who was born into proper Islam]��� I don���t deny that some may have been practicing [true] religion with their father, in hiding. They can fulfil the criteria. It is not because I don���t know them that they are not Muslims. They are Muslim, although the majority of Nigerians are kufar. Why? There, they have democracy. They [ISWAP] and us, we all agree that democracy is kufr. They [Nigerian citizens] have democracy. And again, they are subject to laws that have not been revealed by Allah. They do the hadj, they fast, they give zakat [Shekau mentions three of the five obligations in Islam, the pilgrimage to Mecca, fasting and alms-giving]. And this���. not from the scholars��� from the beginning until now, this has been called kufr akbar. So, now, you refuse all things which are reported as authentic��� are you not a���[kafir]? You are a��� These are the questions that we insist on. These are the questions we have with us. This is what they have hidden, and they have interposed themselves between the Caliph and I. Listen! In fact, ever since we entered this forest and we settled down��� Listen to my words��� May God make the jinn and the whole world listen hear me. I initially paid allegiance to Al-Qaeda. The one who was the intermediary between Al-Qaeda and me was Uqba. Everybody knows him. I sent him to Mali, he would come and go. He brought us fifty million [nairas], men and some guns. It was these fifty million which created the problems that led to the division with the late Abu Muhammad [very probably Abu Muhammad al-Baushiwi]. They demanded the money for their work. I said that it is for the leader to [decide]��� On that too, God will decide on the Day of Judgment��� On this too, if they sit with you, they can talk a whole day. That is why I insist on the issues about which God will judge on the Day of Judgment. God will surely judge between us on the Day of Judgment. That is my goal. So, I initially pledged allegiance. That time, Uqba went back to Mali by himself. There is a brother, God is great, he is a qaid and he has the faith. From Yemen to Mali, they sent me a letter to tell that Al-Qaeda is in trouble. ���Stay true to your faith, dear Abubakar, until God shows you the way.��� It was Uqba who brought the letter. It was on his way that he was arrested and jailed in the prisons of the Nigerian kufar for six months. He almost lost his mind because of the torture. Despite that, he was able to deliver the letter. Later, Uqba died. Such is the history of my pledge to Al-Qaeda. That is one. Secondly, after getting this information, knowing what had happened to Al-Qaeda and receiving those informations, we remained at peace [with al-Qaeda?] and God opened the doors of victory to us. Then, they [the Islamic State] introduced this matter. They told us ���we are well organised and there is a Caliph. He is known to all.��� Meaning that he is from the tribe of the Prophet [a requirement to claim the title of Caliph], peace and blessing upon him. I said, I swear, ���Here is what I did with al-Qaeda before [i.e. I have already pledged to al-Qaeda]. But now, do not say that he is from the tribe of the Caliph [probably a slip of the tongue: Shekau must have meant Prophet]. It is a thing about which we have no proof. If we follow him, he can replace us. If this is what you wish [that Shekau pledge allegiance to al-Baghdadi], let me write letter explaining our doctrine and you send it so the Caliph reads it and understands that we truly are on the right path. If there are errors, he can correct us. Because God and his Messenger recommend that I follow someone based on evidence.��� They said it was the best thing to do. We wrote the letter. They took it and left it in Chad. They praised me to the Caliph, [saying] I am a good and loyal person. ���He does all he does in the right path.��� They came to tell me that I was praised. He accepted to designate me as his wali. So, I said ���if I sleep even one night on it, I betray my brothers.��� So, in the very same night, I pledged allegiance to the Caliph. I admit that this happened between me and them. Then, they introduced this controversial topic. Now, without talking too much, this you can hear thanks to God. [Now,] the second thing. They should stop thinking I yearn for leadership. I urge them, even if they are not sincere, they should try��� Even if they are not sincere, I accept��� Even if they are not sincere, so that I hear the voice of the Caliph. What I do is not kufr. If they have justifications, they should produce them. Me, I have justifications. If you claim something, you must have justifications and you must bring them forward, and you must be true [to these references]. I beg you, even if they are not sincere. Because I have justifications. If you have been fooled and have pledged allegiance to a Caliph, as unfair as he may be, as long as he is not a kafir, you must follow him imperatively. So, even if they are not sincere, that I be allowed [to contact the Caliph]��� And see��� If they think I yearn for leadership��� Whether I will change or not, God will see. I beg you, make an effort, even without sincerity. This is one. And if my position is fairer, let the Caliph speak. I don���t know if he knows or not. That is what I think of the Caliph. Even the first Caliph, Abubakr al-Baghdadi��� I swear, I know he does not know. If he knew what I saw, he would not validate that thing and say religion is going to be better. It is impossible for someone who has the aqida of al-wala wal-bara [a Quranic principle central in jihadi theology, which insists on the need for Muslims to be loyal to other Muslims and disavow non-believers]. It is impossible. Impossible in this religion. If he says he does not know, so there is what was done to me. So, as they say, if I am recognised as wali, God is my witness, I want to be removed. I do not want [the position] any more. Let me stay with my bicycle and my family so I can obtain al-Jannah [Paradise]. If we have the same belief, I beg you, this should be done. Now, our problem is about aqida. Stop misleading people saying ���We are one. We are brothers. We don���t harm anyone.��� That is not the problem. Capturing me is easy too. I swear, that kind of life��� I wish God would have me depart from this world. That I go to al-Jannah as a martyr. These are our objectives. The poorest in al-Jannah has a property seventy times larger than this whole world. Stop pitting people against me. Stop pitting people against me. We are all convinced that we are going to die. This comes first. Everybody must hear. We know that there is nothing to say about kufr akbar. Whether you are renowned or not, all that is about kufr akbar. If someone commits kufr ashgar, he is a brother, he is a Muslim. And for all that, kufr ashgar is worse than homosexuality for God. And despite all this, we accept that [this person] is a Muslim brother. As far as we are concerned, we have seen that this is a matter of kufr akbar now. They even brought people. They were Arabs. We talked with them in our markaz [in Arabic, centre]. Everybody knows. They entered, and we had a disagreement over school. I translated the [Nigerian] national pledge and the national anthem to them��� He himself said to me he had never heard it and did not know. One day, that markaz [itself] will tell what happened. It will testify in front of God. All those explanations are given here for those who understand Hausa. If God gives me the opportunity, I will do another one in Arabic for the whole world to hear. And even if I am not able to make it in Arabic, and no matter how blocked the pathways are, this will be transmitted, even by a jinn. I have faith in my Maker, for whom I have assembled you, to talk to you today. It is over. They can do anything they want. They can stay alive for a hundred years��� There is nothing they can do to me. I am not going to submit to anyone and engage in the path of kufr akbar. This is my only concern. If they think I want power or the position of wali��� Let them say that what I am doing is not shirk akbar, based on the justifications contained in the Quran and the Sunna. This is the crux of the problem between them and me. Even them, they recognise that there is unbelief in certain things in [���modern,��� Western-style] school��� But this current system [the Western-style school] that people are following throughout the world��� And they say nothing [against it]��� This is impossible because there are divergent points of view. For some, the rule is that the essence of everything is liceity [something is licit if it is not explicitly prohibited by religion]. For others, the rule is that the essence of everything is in prohibition [everything is prohibited unless it is explicitly authorised by religion]. So, as God has said that all that you see is licit, except that whose illiceity you have noticed. So, it is in everything that you can find the illicit ones. I say yes. But now, [in Western-style school], they put them [the licit and the illicit] together so much that they cannot be dissociated. This is what exists [now]. Because today, with this, you cannot do [one cannot study in school without doing illicit things]. In the present time, am I not using Maggi cubes [an example of a product of Western technology]? In the present time, am I not drinking what they have made? It is because it has appeared licit to me, that is why I am doing it. When you study at school, you have to do kufr akbar. Nobody can deny that. You have to do kufr akbar. It���s over. This is��� God willing, as they have come to say: ���let us [talk], in the beginning, we were the qaid of Shekau.��� There is even one who is named ibn Kathir. He pretends that I designated him qaid in Timbuktu [a jihadi camp in Borno, designated after the eponymous Malian city]. It is this man who is going around and explaining to people: ���even I, in the beginning, I was a qaid designated by Shekau. We have come to fix things. We will not hurt anyone. You have noticed that we do not touch your property. If you have surrendered, tell the mallam [in Hausa, a person learned matters of religion; in this instance, Shekau] that he is the wali of the whole of Africa.��� How can you acknowledge a wali and fight him after that? Does one fight a wali if one submits to God? No wali should be opposed. We have only one problem. A slave about whom I talked [Shekau probably meant ���the slaves���]. Now, I have female slaves that I have captured. What are they, these ones? They were captured because they are kufar. This is one. Secondly, what is surprising is that they are deceiving people and saying that slaves were kept for nothing. We do things [like taking slaves]. If they recognise me as an amir, they are done. What happened with our master Ali? With this sinner and with Abu Khalid? That���s it? They are three. This servant of God insulted the Prophet. He reneged on his faith. The other amir, in the time of Abu Bakr, killed that servant of God. What was his name? Malik ibn Numaira. It was Abu Khalid who killed him. It was Khalid ibn Walid who killed him. Then he married his wife. I am talking about a disagreement between someone and his amir. He married his wife. I swear that this situation put Abu Qutada in a difficult situation. Then, he came to see our master Abu Bakr. He said ���There, this man says this [other] one has apostasied. Then he killed him and married his wife. How [is that possible]?��� Our master Abu Bakr said ���you are under the orders of your amir, you work together, and then a problem pushed you to come see me. You are disobedient. Go back. If a battle takes place without you, you will have disobeyed God.��� He went back quickly. All the battles in the great Syria... With whom did he work? He stayed and fought under the orders of Khalid. This is in the book. If you, you recognise that I am your amir, it is over. If I have committed an injustice, you can only report to my Caliph. You should not fight me, or betray me, or��� you see? From the start, they deceived me and led me to pledge allegiance to the Caliph. I have said ���even if you ahave been deceived, if you pledge allegiance to someone who has the faith of tawhid [unicity (of God), a key tenet of Islam, which can by extension designate Islam itself], do not worry. You have to submit. This is the path of God.��� That is why I came out to explain to people: ���I submit.��� And I have stayed [loyal]. Until today. And then, you say that I do this and that. You have not relied on any justification for this. If only what you reproach me with was about kabair [major sins], ahkam [rulings] or ibaadaat [worship], then I am a sinner since it is kufr bawaahan [open disbelief]. Or you deny that you ever said that. But this is part of your creed too. It is over. If you are right, I will change my position, even if it is me alone [and others refuse to follow me]. It is over. The day when I see a justification coming from God, that is all. And so, I found a justification to follow. Even me alone, if you say that this thing [Western-style school] is not kufr��� [I will know that] you have changed. From now until the last day, I will follow my religion. If someone thinks he can do anything about this, he should change this. Or someone should translate [what I have said] to see if I care for the position of wali or if I want to practice my religion and die. God will interpret me [Shekau probably meant God will judge me]. God is a witness even when there is no one. May the peace and blessing of God be upon the Messenger of God. Praise be to God, master of the Universe. These are the explanations they circulate to deceive ignorant people. So, dear brothers, if you have the opportunity, give this [recording] even to women so they listen to it. Even they, if there is a way, they should hear. I accept. That this recording be sent to them. If one wants to defeat me with words, here they are. If I have committed an injustice, let them be heard. If it is not that, they should do whatever they can. They should upturn the earth and the sky. They cannot fool me. God is here, they cannot do anything. It is difficult for this [ISWAP defeating Shekau] to happen. It is difficult for this to happen. It is Him who can order grass to grow, and then it grows. And yet believers do not believe in that. I cannot be deceived. Simply bring on the justifications. I cannot accept to be deceived. May peace and blessing be upon the Envoy of God. Blessing to God, Master of the Uniiverse. I am Abu Muhammad Abubakar bin Muhammad Shekawi, the imam of Jam�����at Ahl al-Sunna li-Da���wa wa-l-Jih��d. I have prepared this speech in the month of Shawwal, year 1442 of the Hijra. Today is, God willing��� today is Monday, is it not? We are Tuesday today. This is the last audio put out by Nigerian jihadi leader Abubakar Shekau before his death (19-05-2021), in Hausa Langage. It is a rare source, distinct from his usual public propaganda. Addressed to internal jihadi audiences, it sheds light on a number of key aspects, from the events that led to his death to the political economy of plunder, a key issue in Shekau���s jihad. Its most interesting takeaway, however, is about the relation between a local jihadi organisation and the global jihadi structures of Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State. It illustrates Shekau���s complex and ultimately unsuccessful strategies of extraversion���using the appeal and resources of global jihad while trying to contain its demands.

Cet article s’intéresse aux raisons expliquant le goût contemporain pour le Moyen Âge tel qu’il se manifeste dans les jeux vidéo médiévalistes. Cette inclination sera d’abord traduite en termes de « fantasme de démédiation », suivant le concept de médiance (Berque, 2000), puis une description des manifestations de ce fantasme dans le monde diégétique et la structure formelle des jeux de rôle goréens de Second Life sera proposée. Du point de vue de leur configuration spatiale et du traitement réservé au corps des avatars, ces jeux seront considérés comme des hétérotopies (Foucault, 1994) émaillées de figures spatiales caractéristiques des non-lieux (ou « atopies ») (Augé, 1992). Enfin, les tensions entre les natures hétérotopiques et atopiques des jeux de rôle goréens, et entre la démédiation et la surmédiation, seront examinées. This paper focuses on the reasons behind the contemporary taste for the Middle Ages as it manifests itself in medievalist video games. This inclination will be translated in terms of « phantasm of demediation », following the concept of médiance (Berque, 2000). Then, a description of the manifestations of this phantasm in the diegetic world of the Second Life’s Gorean role-playing games and their formal structure will be proposed. Regarding their spatial configuration and the treatment of the avatar body, these games will be considered as heterotopias (Foucault, 1994), punctuated by spatial figures that are characteristic of non-places (or « atopias ») (Augé, 1992). Finally, the tensions between heterotopic and atopic configuration of the Gorean role-playing games, also as between demediation and overmediation will be examined.

Enquête réalisée par Mariette Sineau sur les représentations des femmes en politique. Elle interroge la non-mixité du champ politique en questionnant la place mineure des femmes dans l’élite du personnel politico-administratif français. A partir d’entretiens individuels semi-directifs, l’enquête étudie la constitution des identités et les trajectoires de femmes exerçant des fonctions politiques élevées en France. Le corpus comprend essentiellement les entretiens et quelques documents supplémentaires (fiches sur les enquêtées, notes manuscrites). L’analyse interprétative menée par l’auteure lui permet de montrer que les femmes politiques restent encore majoritairement prisonnières des images d’elles-mêmes que leur entourage leur renvoie, et notamment du sentiment de transgresser la division sexuée du travail ainsi que les principes fondamentaux de la hiérarchie entre les sexes. Ces représentations varient cependant selon la situation personnelle des femmes, les politiques des partis vis-à-vis de la parité, ou encore selon des variables plus contextuelles comme les cultures politiques régionales. L’enquête explore également la manière dont les femmes déclarent agir en fonction de ces représentations. Sont décrites d’abord des pratiques de surcompensation. Est également soulignée l’apparition de pratiques autonomes chez certaines de ces femmes, voire l’émergence d’une conscience féministe parmi quelques-unes d’entre elles.