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  • 2018-2022
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  • Embargo
    Authors: 
    Shota Kakabadze; Andrey Makarychev;
    Publisher: Informa UK Limited
    Country: Estonia
    Project: EC | UPTAKE (691818)

    The article seeks to analyze discourses of two Orthodox Churches—Georgian (GOC) and Russian (ROC)—from the vantage point of their various interconnections with Europe and the ensuing representations of Europe framed in religious terms. Of particular salience are relations between ROC and GOC, on the one hand, and the Roman Catholic Church, on the other, as well as the positioning of both ROC and GOC within the global community of Orthodox Churches. The analyzed political circumstances force religious hierarchs of both institutions, even if they share the similar ambivalence toward the West, to differently reproduce the image of Europe. The broader geopolitical picture puts the GOC in the position of supporting government’s foreign policy agenda which goes in opposition to the Kremlin, in spite of the fact that the former has a lot of common with the Moscow Patriarchate when it comes to criticism toward the Western liberal value systems.

  • Open Access Estonian
    Authors: 
    Tark, Triin;
    Country: Estonia

    Siinne doktoritöö käsitleb rahvuskuuluvuse tähendust inimeste ja riigi vahelistes suhetes 20. sajandi esimesel poolel, kasutades näidisvalimina 1941. aastal Eestist Saksamaale ümber asunud inimeste andmeid. Uurimuse eesmärk on selgitada, kas ja kuidas riiklik rahvuspoliitika mõjutas inimeste käitumist ja vastupidi – mil määral mõjutasid inimeste valikud riikide tegevust. Valimisse hõlmatud inimestest suurem osa puutus uuritaval perioodil kokku nelja riigi – Venemaa keisririigi, Eesti Vabariigi, Nõukogude Liidu ja Saksamaa – rahvuspoliitikaga. Nende põhimõtteliselt erineva rahvuspoliitikaga riikide käsitlemine võimaldab tuvastada rahvuse ühiskondliku tähenduse universaalseid jooni. Eesmärgi täitmiseks analüüsiti inimeste eluloolisi andmeid, seadusandlust ja rahvuspoliitikat puudutavat dokumentatsiooni ning ühiskondlikke olusid puudutavaid allikaid. Doktoritööst selgus, et üksikisikute rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne määramine osutus 20. sajandi esimesel poolel keeruliseks nii riikide kui ka inimeste jaoks, sest puudusid selged kriteeriumid viimaste rahvuspõhiseks kategoriseerimiseks, ühtsed arusaamad rahvuste olemusest ning takistav tegur oli ka mõlema poole pragmaatiliste kaalutluste domineerimine rahvuse määramisel. Mida suurem oli rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne tähtsus, seda enam olid üksikisikute valikud tingitud olukorrast ning märksa vähem nende harjumuspärasest keele- ja kultuurikeskkonnast. Seetõttu ei õnnestunud riikidel peaaegu kunagi soovitud määral rakendada essentsialistlikke ja objektiivsusele pretendeerinud rahvuse määramise kriteeriume, isegi kui see oli eesmärk ja taolisi põhimõtteid seadustega kehtestada püüti. Samuti ei olnud riigid objektiivsuse rakendamisel põhimõttelised ja järjekindlad, vaid kohandasid seisukohti vastavalt pragmaatilistele huvidele ning inimeste käitumisele. Üksikisikute valikutel oli riiklikele poliitikatele märkimisväärne mõju, ehkki arvuliselt oli muutliku ja ebamäärase rahvuskuuluvusega inimesi ühiskonnas marginaalselt. This dissertation focuses on the meaning of ethnicity in the relations between individuals and states in the first half of the 20th century using the biographical data of people who resettled from Estonia to Germany in 1941 as a sample. The aim of this study is to explain whether and how ethnopolitics of the states influenced the behaviour of individuals and vice versa – to what extent individual choices influenced state policy. Most people in the sample were affected by the ethnopolitics of four states: Russian Empire, Estonian Republic, Soviet Union, and Germany. Analysing the states with fundamentally different ethnopolitics enables to identify universal characteristics of the role of ethnicity in the society. To fulfil the aim, biographical data, legislation, and documentation about ethnopolitics as well as sources about the social conditions were analysed. The dissertation shows that fixing individuals’ ethnicity turned out to be difficult for both parties – the states and individuals – since there were no clear criteria for ethnic categorisation and no common understanding about the nature of ethnicity. Pragmatic considerations of both parties also turned out to be an obstacle. The more formal importance ethnicity had, the more individuals made choices dependent on the situation and not so much on their customary lingual and cultural environment. Therefore, the states almost always failed to implement essentialist and objective criteria in fixing individuals’ ethnicity in a desired manner, even if such criteria were their aim and established by law. Furthermore, the authorities of the states were neither principled nor consistent in applying objective criteria. The states had to adapt their stances to their own pragmatic interests and according to the behaviour of individuals instead. Thus, individual choices had a remarkable impact on ethnopolitics, although people with dynamic and vague ethnic identity formed a marginal group in the society. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5450809

  • Open Access Estonian
    Authors: 
    Sirts, Kairit;
    Publisher: Tartu Ülikool
    Country: Estonia

    Uurimistöö eesmärgiks oli välja töötada meetod tekstilise andmestiku kogumiseks, mille alusel saaks hiljem arendada masinõppel põhinevaid meetodeid depressiooni ja ärevuse riski automaatseks hindamiseks. Töö käigus koostati ankeet, mille abil koguti tekstilist materjali ligi 300-st vabatahtlikust koosnevalt mugavusvalimilt. Kogutud tekstid sisaldasid nii etteantud pildi kirjeldust kui ka vabalt valitud sündmuse või mälestuse kirjeldust. Valimis osalenute emotsionaalset seisundit mõõdeti EEK-2 skriiningtesti abil. Ligi 42% isikutest ületas depressiooni ning ligi 30% isikutest ärevuse alaskaala riskilävendi. Esialgsed eksperimendid masinõppe mudelitega, mis püüdsid ennustada, kas inimese EEK-2 skoor ületab depressiooni ja/või ärevuse riskilävendi, edukaid tulemusi ei andnud. Kokkuvõttes tundub, et etteantud pildi kirjeldamine ei ole sobivaim viis soovitud andmestiku kogumiseks ja pigem peaks kasutama selliseid kirjutamise ülesandeid, mis oleks inimese endaga rohkem seotud.

  • Open Access Estonian
    Authors: 
    Raudsepp, Ago;
    Country: Estonia

    Can a country with a constant state of emergency in its capital – as was the case in Estonia in 1918–1934 – be considered a democracy? Or a country where political violence is used against members of a parliamentary committee during a committee meeting – as was the case in Finland in 1930? Why did the Estonian Social Democrats support the 1934 coup and why did the Finnish Swedes defend the Finnish Communists? Why could Estonia not find any allies except Latvia in the 1920s and 1930s, and why was Finland left without allies in the Winter War? Why did Estonia and Finland not behave in the same way in the autumn of 1939, and why did the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand declare war on Finland in 1941? The answers to these questions lie in the relationships between democracy and security, which is exactly the topic of my dissertation. Based on the works of different philosophers, it is possible to show that democracy and security are interdependent. The relationship between democracy and security can be reduced to the classic dilemmas between freedom and security, freedom and sovereignty, and sovereignty and security. Although it is not possible to solve these dilemmas definitively, the solution can be improved indefinitely. I argue that the way in which democratic societies resolve these dilemmas does not depend on democratic culture or on the wisdom inherent in people, but on the perceptions of the majorities of democratic societies, which in turn depend primarily on historical experience. The theoretical explanation proposed in my dissertation helps to understand why Estonia’s and Finland’s quests for security failed in 1918–1948 and why Estonia and Finland made different choices at the turning points of their history. The behaviour of Estonia’s leaders during the events of 1939 and 1940 also becomes understandable. Hopefully, my dissertation will contribute to a fair judgement of the activities of Konstantin Päts and Johan Laidoner, and to reconciling Estonian society on the question of whether they were heroes or villains. However, the most important aim is to contribute to an understanding of just how fragile democracy and security can be, how they depend on each other and, in particular, how they depend on historical experience. Kas saab pidada demokraatlikuks riiki, mille pealinnas kehtib pidev erakorraline seisukord – nagu oli Eesti aastatel 1918–1934? Või riiki, kus parlamendikomisjoni liikmete vastu kasutatakse poliitilist vägivalda komisjoni istungi toimumise ajal – nagu oli Soome aastal 1930? Miks Eesti sotsiaaldemokraadid toetasid 1934. aasta riigipööret ja miks soomerootslased kaitsesid Soome kommuniste? Miks ei õnnestunud 1920-ndate ja 1930-ndate Eestil leida ühtegi liitlast peale Läti ja miks jäi Soome talvesõjas ilma liitlasteta? Miks Eesti ja Soome 1939. aasta sügisel ühtemoodi ei käitunud ja miks Ühendkuningriik, Kanada, Austraalia ja Uus-Meremaa 1941. aastal Soomele sõja kuulutasid? Vastus peitub demokraatia ja julgeoleku vahelistes seostes, mida minu väitekiri uuribki. Erinevate filosoofide töödele tuginedes on võimalik näidata, et demokraatia ja julgeolek sõltuvad vastastikku üksteisest. Demokraatia ja julgeoleku vaheline seos on taandatav klassikalistele dilemmadele vabaduse ja julgeoleku, vabaduse ja suveräänsuse ja suveräänsuse ja julgeoleku vahel. Kuigi dilemmasid ei ole võimalik lõplikult lahendada, on lahendust võimalik lõputult täiustada. Ma väidan, et see, kuidas demokraatlikud ühiskonnad neid dilemmasid lahendavad, ei sõltu mitte demokraatlikust kultuurist või rahvale omasest tarkusest, vaid demokraatlike ühiskondade enamuste arusaamadest, mis omakorda sõltuvad eelkõige ajaloolisest kogemusest. Minu väitekirjas välja pakutud teoreetiline selgitus aitab mõista, miks Eesti ja Soome julgeolekuotsingud aastatel 1918–1948 läbi kukkusid ja miks Eesti ja Soome oma ajaloo pöördepunktides erinevaid valikuid tegid. Mõistetavaks muutub ka Eesti riigijuhtide käitumine 1939. ja 1940. aasta sündmuste ajal. Loodetavasti aitab minu väitekiri kaasa õiglase hinnangu andmisele Konstantin Pätsi ja Johan Laidoneri tegevusele ja Eesti ühiskonna lepitamisele küsimuses, kas tegemist oli kangelaste või kurjategijatega. Kõige tähtsam on siiski aidata kaasa mõistmisele, kuivõrd haprad võivad olla demokraatia ja julgeolek, kuidas nad vastastikku üksteisest sõltuvad ja eriti – kuidas nad sõltuvad ajaloolisest kogemusest. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5391015

  • Publication . Article . 2018
    Embargo English
    Authors: 
    Makarychev, Andrey; Bogdanova, Olga;
    Country: Estonia
    Project: EC | UPTAKE (691818)

    This collection of articles is a result of an international networked project that during three years supported professional mobility and connectivity between the University of Tartu and its partners in the South Caucasus in general and Georgia in particular. During the project implementation, colleagues from different institutions met in conferences, workshops, and seminars to discuss issues related to developing new approaches to Georgian politics. Georgia remained a central regional actor that could be discussed from multilayered perspectives, combining historical, cultural and political viewpoints. Grounded in multidisciplinary approaches, the Georgian case shapes horizons for understanding political and cultural dynamics and ensures a holistic approach to various politically themed issues at a regional level. In this cluster, we discuss Georgia from a variety of perspectives that elucidate a plethora of nuanced dimensions to politics and culture that otherwise might remain unnoticed or underconceptualized. We look at Georgia not from the viewpoint of political elites, governments and state institutions, but rather from the vantage point of the multiplicity of competing identities-in-the-making and specific practices and policies unfolding beyond—but, of course, still very much affected by—formal / official hierarchies of power. That is why the authors of this cluster of articles focus on "soft" dimensions of borders and security, and conceptualize them in ideational terms, as discourses, narratives, and imageries that shape policy practices affecting people's lives. This includes the idea of spaces of cultural belonging, particularly meaningful when it comes to fragmented and dispersed identities clashing with each other. In some contexts, religious components may be central for analysis, while in other cases different techniques of governance come to the fore. It is this combination of different perspectives that allow elucidating multiple forms, types, and models of power relations in Georgia, as well as multiple relations of inclusion/ exclusion, bordering/debordering, securitizing/desecuritizing.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    James Ker-Lindsay; Eiki Berg;
    Publisher: Routledge
    Countries: United Kingdom, Estonia, United Kingdom
    Project: EC | UPTAKE (691818), EC | UPTAKE (691818)

    Secessionist de facto states, by their very nature, sit outside of the international system. Having unilaterally declared independence from their parent state, they are invariably prevented from joining the United Nations, and thus taking their place as members of the community of universally recognised countries. While the reasons for such punitive approaches have a logic according to prevailing political and legal approaches to secession, it is also recognised that isolation can have harmful effects. Ostracising de facto can not only hinder efforts to resolve the dispute by reducing their willingness to engage in what they see as an asymmetrical settlement process, it can also force them into a closer relationship with a patron state. For this reason, there has been growing interest in academic and policy circles around the concept of engagement without recognition. This is a mechanism that provides for varying degrees of interaction with de facto states while maintaining the position that they are not regarded as independent sovereign actors in the international system. As is shown, while the concept has its flaws, it nevertheless opens up new opportunities for conflict management.

  • Open Access
    Authors: 
    Vassilis Petsinis;
    Publisher: Informa UK Limited
    Country: Estonia
    Project: EC | MERWBKBS (749400)

    This work is a study on the patterns of managing ethnic relations in Serbia and Latvia. It aims at enhancing the cross-regional exchange of knowledge between the Western Balkans and the Baltic States. This study demonstrates that as the bond between geopolitics and ethnopolitics grows more powerful, the liberalization of minority policies would become less feasible within a state. It also hints that the intersection between geopolitics and ethnopolitics should not be perceived as ‘fixed’ but it can be subject to fluctuations and readjustments. Therefore, the interaction between endogenous and exogenous actors can impact the engagement(s) by the EU in the field of minority rights to varying degrees and within different contexts.

  • Embargo English
    Authors: 
    Heidi Erbsen;
    Publisher: Russian Politics
    Country: Estonia
    Project: EC | UPTAKE (691818)

    This article addresses how international educational exchange programs are increasingly used as political, and particularly bio-political, tools to promote ideologies of biological normativity. Such programs have historically been promoted by national and international institutions as means to increase participants (and therefore the sending institution’s) knowledge of the world and transfer favorable values through individuals. us and eu exchange programs with Russia in particular have been focused on achieving a ‘mutual understanding’ or promoting ‘common’ or ‘shared values’ across countries; however, a tendency of educational institutions to select like-minded individuals and countries for participation has arguably complicated rather than mended global divides. The difference in values associated with biological practices in Russia, the us, and the eu related to traditional gender roles, marriage, nuclear families, birth control, etc. have become more apparent with the spread of information and globalization. The main argument of this work supports that attention to the promotion or cancelation of certain exchange programs can be used to better understand larger patterns in international relations and the modern system of global governance. An investigation into the founding ideologies behind programs such as flex and Fulbright (by the us) and Erasmus + (by the European Commission) and their politicization exemplifies how educational programs can become ‘battlefields’ for ideologies of biological normativity. The example of the cancelation of the flex program by the Russian Federation is used to understand key relationships between biopolitics and geopolitics, modern and post-modern, and value transfer and human capital.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Kangur, Katrin;
    Country: Estonia

    Teine maailmasõda on andnud ainest tuhandetele ajaloolistele filmidele, mis erinevates žanrites ja erinevatest vaatenurkadest lähtuvalt vormivad meie ajaloomälu. Tänapäeval moodustavad nii eluloofilmid kui ajaloolised filmid märkimisväärse osa sellest pagasist, mis mõjutab publiku arusaamist, kuidas ajaloolised sündmused aset leidsid. Kuitahes palju erinevaid ajalootõlgendusi kaasaegses kultuuriruumis ka ei esine, paneb miski ajaloolise ja biograafilise filmi puhul vaataja lähenema sellele teisiti kui väljamõeldud süžeel põhinevale mängufilmile. Doktoritöö “Adaptatsiooni ja vaatepunkti poeetika: ajaloolis-biograafilise filmiteose kirjanduslikud ja dokumentaalsed allikad” keskendub ajaloolis-biograafiliste draamafilmide kui filmimuganduste uurimisele. Tuginedes kolmele näitele, Roman Polanski holokaustiteemalisele filmile “Pianist” (2002), Max Fäberböcki Teise maailmasõja lõpusündmustest jutustavale “Naine Berliinis” (2008) ning Jan Troelli kirjanikuportreele Knut Hamsunist (“Hamsun” (1996)), on doktoritöös tähelepanu all milliseid eetilisi ja filmitehnilisi väljakutseid (auto)biograafiliste tekstide filmikeelde ümberpanek filmitegijatele esitab ning kuidas sellised filmid vaataja jaoks toimivad kui adaptsioonid: lisaks ajaloolisele tõepärasusele, on nende filmide juures oluline peategelase isik, tema lugu, kogemus ja nägemus sündmustest. Kuigi ajaloolis-biograafilised filmid ja (auto)biograafiad moodustavad olulise osa meie ajalooteadmiste kujunemisest, on nende filmiadaptsioone seni vähe uuritud. Ometi peegeldavad need filmitekstid keerulisi valikuid, mida filmitegijad peavad langetama, püüdes filmitekstis edasi anda niihästi autobiograafilise jutustuse “mina”, kui ka esitada “tõetruult” ajaloosündmusi. The doctoral dissertation Poetics of Adaptation and Point of View: Literary and Documentary Sources of the Historical-Biographical Film focuses on historical-biographical films as adaptations. This is a subject matter that has received surprisingly little attention, considering the importance and impact that written and filmed life narratives have had on contemporary culture. The Second World War has been depicted in thousands of historical films in different genres and from different perspectives that each influence the public understanding of history. While recognizing that contesting perspectives on history and subjective interpretations exist, the viewer of a historical-biographical film still expects to see “a true story”. Furthermore, if a historical-biographical film is based on a published (auto)biographical book, the expectations of meeting not only history but his or her story on screen are relevant to film’s reception. Besides historical and biographical facts, a personal story, individual life experiences and subjective point of view on events are also important in these films. This dissertation explores and discusses the process of adaptation of autobiographical stories. How the subjective point of view of the autobiographical narrator has been adapted into film text, is examined closely in three case studies presented in this thesis: Roman Polanski’s The Pianist (2002), Max Fäberböck’s A Woman in Berlin (2008) and Jan Troell’s Hamsun (1996). Specifically, the focus is on the ethical and technical issues filmmakers face when they attempt to combine the “subjective perspective” with a historically “accurate” story. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5231059

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Nekoliak, Andrii;
    Country: Estonia

    Doktoritöö vaatleb mälupoliitika arenguid Poolas ja Ukrainas alates 1989./1990. aasta demokraatlikest siiretest, seda eeskätt läbi seadusandliku prisma. Neid kahte juhtumit võib käsitleda esinduslikena mälupoliitiliste debattide intensiivsuse osas regioonis ning doktoritöö seadiski eesmärgiks selgitada „mäluseaduste“ arengu üldisi mustreid ning selgitada lähemalt nn karistusõiguslikul tasemel vastu võetud seadusandlike aktide spetsiifilisi protsesse Poola ja Ukraina parlamentides. Dissertatsioonis uurisin süstemaatiliselt kahe juhtumiriigi ühismälu reguleerimise protsessiga seonduvaid poliitilisi arenguid. Doktoritööga panustan teadusala arengusse kolmel viisil. Kontseptuaalsel tasandil eristab väitekiri ühismälu reguleerimise valdkonna üleminekuõigluse poliitikatest. Käsitlesin kriitiliselt „mäluseadusi“ kontseptualiseerivaid töid näitamaks, kuidas kontseptuaalset kategooriat saab kasutada kollektiivse mälu reguleerimise mustrite analüüsimisel. Iseäranis olulisena uuendasin Eric Heinze tööst lähtudes mäluseaduste kontseptualiseerimist, suhestades selle omakorda teiste temaatiliste käsitlustega. Empiiriliselt toetub doktoritöö kahe juhtumiriigi parlamentides vastu võetud mälupoliitikaga seotud aktide ammendavale ja süstemaatilisele uurimisele. Doktoritöö analüüs põhines unikaalsel, maksimaalselt ammendaval seadusandlike aktide kogumil, mis koosnes vastavalt 447 Ukraina ning 719 Poola parlamendi alamkojas ning Senatis vastu võetud aktist. Analüütiliselt selgitab väitekiri erinevuste põhjuseid mälu ja mäletamist reguleeriva seadusloome komposiitmustrites Poolas ja Ukrainas (uurimus 1) ning karistusõiguslikul tasemel vastu võetud seadusandlike aktidega seotud spetsiifilisi protsesse (uurimus 2). Kahe uurimuse kaasamine väitekirja tulenes soovist illustreerida „mäluseaduse“ kontseptsiooni operatsionaliseerimise võimalusi juhtumiriikide mälupoliitiliste protsesside empiirilisel uurimisel. Uurimus 1 formuleeris kaks hüpoteesi parlamenditaseme mäluprotsesside regulatsiooni ajastuse kohta. Doktoritöö empiiriline analüüs vaidlustas olemasolevaid teoreetilisi vaatenurki, mille kohaselt peaksid mälupoliitilised protsessid algama varakult pärast siirdeprotsessi toimumist (üleminekuõigluse hüpotees). Selle asemel leidis uurimuses 1 toetust teine hüpotees (mälupoliitika hüpotees), mida tutvutatakse väitekirja sissejuhatuses. Uurimus 1 argumenteeris, et mälupoliitilise võimuvõitluse struktuur rahvusparlamentides tõi kaasa mäluseaduste profiilide hilisema intensiivistumise nii Poolas kui Ukrainas. Uurimus 2 keskendus Poola ja Ukraina parlamentides karistusõigluslikul tasemel vastu võetud seadusandlike aktide esilekerkimise protsessi analüüsile. Keskseks küsimuseks oli, miks erinesid Poolas ja Ukrainas teatud mälu- või ajaloopoliitilisi seisukohtade avaldamist keelustavad seadused oma karistusliku iseloomu poolest? Kuigi mõlemas riigis keelustati teatud riigi minevikku puudutavatest teemadest rääkimine, erines vastavates seadustes oluliselt karistuslike meetmete ulatus. Uurimus 2 leidsin, et Poola Seimis ja Ukraina Ülemraadas välja kujunenud lähenemine rahvuslikule ajalookirjutusele ennustas variatiivsust karistuslikes meetmetes ajaloost kõnelemist puudutavas seadusandluses. The dissertation investigates the politics of memory laws in Poland and Ukraine since the democratizing moments of 1989/1990. Considering two cases emblematic of the intensity of the politics of memory in the region, the thesis aimed to explain the overall patterns of memory legislation evolution and explicate the specific processes of punitive memory law-making in the parliaments of Poland and Ukraine. It systematically investigated the political dynamics behind collective memory regulation in two country-cases. I contribute to the state of the field in three ways. On a conceptual level, the thesis distinguishes the domain of collective memory regulation from transitional justice politics. It critically revisited the works over the concept of ‘memory law’ in order to show how this conceptual category can be used to analyze the patterns of collective memory regulation. In particular, I introduced a novelty with regard to the conceptualization of memory law originally formulated by Eric Heinze against the backdrop of other works in the field. Empirically, the dissertation provided an exhaustive and systematic investigation of commemorative lawmaking in the parliaments of two country-cases. The dissertation advanced its analysis based on a unique set of legislation consisting of 447 and 719 parliamentary acts issued by Ukrainian and Polish legislatures, respectively. Analytically, the dissertation explicated the reasons behind the patterns of collective memory regulation (Study 1) and the specific processes of the emergence of punitive memory laws (Study 2) in Poland and Ukraine. The rationale for dividing the dissertation into Study 1 and Study 2 was to illustrate the potential of operationalizing the concept of memory law into the empirical investigation of the politics of memory of country-cases. Study 1 examined the patterns of commemorative lawmaking in the parliaments of Poland and Ukraine, asking why there was a variation in intensity and propensity of commemorative lawmaking occurring in the politics of Polish Sejm and Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada. Study 1 formulated two hypotheses regarding the politics of memorialisation. It set an aim to verify these hypotheses through an empirical investigation of the politics of memory laws in two countries. Furthermore, Study 2 engaged in process analysis of the emergence of punitive memory laws in the national parliaments of Poland and Ukraine. It asked why there was a variation in criminal punishment functions between Polish and Ukrainian laws on historical denialism. While each country-case outlawed certain instances of historical speech over the national past, the severity of prohibitions found in the relevant laws was different. As an analytical added value of the investigation, Study 2 argued that the types of orientation towards national historiographies taken in the politics of the Sejm and the Verkhovna Rada predicted the variation in the formulation of punitive provisions between Polish and Ukrainian laws on historical speech. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5507839

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