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I den här artikeln använder vi autoetnografisk empiri, sida vid sida med andra deltagares berättelser från motionslopp för kvinnor, så kallade tjejlopp. Vi undersöker de kroppsliga och mentala upplevelserna hos deltagarna i ett specifikt lopp, Tjejmilen, i relation till de diskurser och villkor som omger kvinnors motionsidrottande. Artikelns titel , ”sida vid sida” innebär två saker: å ena sidan att vi empiriskt utforskar vad som händer när kvinnor idrottar sida vid sida i en tävling som denna. Å andra sidan, och i linje med analytisk autoetnografi (Anderson 2006), använder vi våra egna erfarenheter av att delta i loppet sida vid sida med andra deltagares erfarenheter och analyserar hela det empiriska materialet med samma metoder, teorier och begrepp. Vi drar slutsatsen att autoetnografin gör det möjligt för oss att upptäcka de förkroppsligade erfarenheterna av styrka och empowerment i motsats till förminskande diskurser om kvinnors aktiviteter och förmodade förmågor.

It is often claimed that in Christian tradition trees and plants are reduced to passive material created for human exploitation, that the only important living creatures are Adam and Eve. But could such a view have less to do with Christianity as a religion and more to do with Cartesian notions in Western modernity? Earlier Christians undoubtedly exhibited a fascination with trees that exceeded a mere interest in the wood of the Cross or typologies thereof. According to literature produced by pre-modern Christians, they interacted actively with the arboreal realm, and trees interacted with them. The same body of literature suggests a sense of affinity between human beings and wooden beings. Exploring diverse texts about trees from the first Christian millennium, the article demonstrates that many Christians ascribed agency to plants. Trees could behave and communicate in various ways, those studied here were pious and acted with devotion in relation to the holy.

Tiden op imod 1800 var præget af et nyt syn på mennesket og dets bevidsthed. Det gav sig blandt andet udslag i en ny interesse for sindets sygdomme og deres behandling. I Danmark forsøgte flere forskellige arkitekter sig netop i denne periode med forslag til et nyt københavnsk sindssygehospital.

https://doi.org/10.33063/diva-491875

Several Cistercian male monasteries of the Clairvaux filiation were established in the middle ofthe 12th century in Scandinavia, where they existed until the Reformation in the beginning of the 16thcentury.An important point in the Cistercian rule was the question of universitas – uniformity. The purpose ofthis article is primarily to discuss the degree to which the historical and geographical sources make itpossible to investigate this subject and secondly to make a study based on empirical material from twoSwedish and two Danish monasteries: Alvastra in Götaland, Roma on the isle of Gotland in Sweden,Vitskøl in Himmerland in Jutland and Sorø on western Zealand in Denmark. In total these fourmonasteries are representative for the whole group.The study shows that in spite of the long time span and the long distances between France andScandinavia, the Cistercian order was to a very high degree able to maintain the uniformity. Thechurches were built according to the Fontenay style, the ground plans of the monasteries wereprincipally the same, agriculture based on granges was common in the early Medieval periode, but waslater replaced by small tenants. There was regular contact to the main monastery in France.But one statute was rarely respected: Monasteries should be built in places removed from populatedareas. This did not happen often, probably because the founders, who were kings, noblemen and highstanding clergymen, normally donated as their establishing gifts for the monasteries landed propertythat had been populated and cultivated for many years. This facilitated an easier start for the newlyfounded monasteries

How can the Danish lawn be read and interpreted through the last century? The cases vary a lot, therefore the cases reach out towards a general discussion.The investigation aims at exploring the Danish lawn in an international perspective, and lawns in landscape architecture or lawns as symbols signify critical points of view to societal matters.The present contribution explores the lawn as a central component in selected cases from 1915 till today. The modern breakthrough in the 1920s in Danish landscape architecture revitalized the lawn. Further artistic contributions in the 1950s launched the lawn in a delicate poetic edition. Only a few years later in the 1960s, the lawn signified the inhuman, industrialized suburb. The color TV in the 1980s made the lawn synonymous with commercial football and technology. In 2019, the lawn is an everyday thing, and parallelly it exists as the antonym to the ecological flower meadow – the “true” urban nature.

The article examines place-name archives and broader place-name collections of various kinds as research infrastructures in the digital age. The main goal is to showcase the opportunities digitization offers to create born-digital data and metadata that open up new research questions and possibilities to conduct interdisciplinary humanistic research based on name materials. At the same time, the article does not turn a blind eye to the problems inherent in the digitization of cultural heritage. Embarking on the ongoing discussions on information and knowledge organisation in digital humanities, the article demonstrates the simplifications name materials usually undergo in research infrastructures because of the currently prevalent digital gazetteer model firmly rooted in the traditional database mindset. It is concluded that the dialogue between the analogue, the physical, and the digital is needed to reform current digitization “musts” and create digital spatial research infrastructures that can function as future interdisciplinary hubs for name-based research. The Norse perception of the world: A mapping and analysis of foreign place names in medieval Swedish and Danish texts (IN16-0093:1_RJ)

Jørgen Bruhn, Linnaeus Centre for Intermedial and Multimodal Studies, Linnaeus University Intermedial Ecocriticism: Comparing Representations of the Ecological Crisis across Media (Intermedial økokritik. Repræsentationer af økokrisen i forskellige medier) This article argues that major insights from intermedial studies and ecocriticism could be combined in order to produce a productive theoretical and methodological position called Intermedial Ecocriticism. Intermedial Ecocriticism is built upon the simple observation that the production of scientific knowledge concerning the critical ecological condition in the Anthropocene reaches the laymen public by way of non-scientific texts in a number of different media types. This corpus — called ecomedia products — covers everything from popular scientific journalism, museum exhibitions or educational material, to literary climate fiction, visual art projects and documentary film or poetry. The main goal of Intermedial Ecocriticism is to be able to analyze, interpret and compare samples from this extensive and heterogeneous corpus of texts, thus going far beyond the tradition of ecocriticism to focus only on literary and other artistic texts. Thus, the position is meant to offer a humanities contribution to better understand and act upon the pending ecological crisis. The first part of the article offers a general outline of theory and method of Intermedial Ecocriticism, whereas the second part exemplifies one particular concretization of the position. A videoanimation by Danish artist Per Arnoldi and two contemporary cli-fi novels by Mats Söderlund and Hanna Rut Carlsson are briefly analyzed and compared. The analysis focuses on the questions of narrativity and the representation of the possibility of human agency in the three ecomedia products.

Slysa-Hróa saga, or The Tale of Roi the Fool, is a short Icelandic saga preserved in four different versions, two of them medieval. One of them (F) is a þáttr woven into Óláfs saga helga (the Saga of St. Olaf) in the manuscript Flateyjarbók, written ca. 1387, while the other (A) is found in the 15th-century manuscript AM 557 4to. Two other versions,B and C, are preserved in manuscripts from the 17th century and later. They presumably derive from the A version, probably through a lost intermediary manuscript, β. The A and F versions seem to go back to a lost common original, α. The four versions are preserved in a total of 30 manuscripts: F in Flateyjarbók and 11 copies of that text; A in one manuscript; B in 8 manuscripts; C in 6 manuscripts; and there are also three other manuscripts transmitting an abbreviated or contaminated B/C text. The saga tells of a man who undertakes a trade mission to a foreign country. In F he travels to Sweden, but in B/C he goes to England. There he meets ruthless villains who attempt to take his life and steal his belongings. He is helped by a wise man (Þorgnýr Lawspeaker or Þorgnýr the Wise) and finally he stands as a winner. The story is given a historical framework. In F (and A?), it is the reign of St. Olaf Haraldsson (king ofNorway 1015–1028), the almost contemporary Svend Forkbeard (king of Denmark ca. 986–1014) and the slightly older Eric the Victorious (king of Sweden ca. 970–995). In B and C (and A?) it is again the time of St. Olaf but also the considerably younger Svend Estridsen (king of Denmark 1047–1074/76). Despite its Nordic character, the story is without doubt built on a tale with Oriental roots and from the same stock of adventures that underlies the Arabian Nights. The story also shows similarities with the Middle French romance L’Histoire du Chevalier Bérinus, from the 14th century and the Middle English Tale of Beryn, from the 15th century. The most prominent characteristic of Slysa-Hróa saga in its present redactions is its division into four text units. Most of the story in all its redactions (text units 2 and 4) has a common origin, while a smaller portion of the text (units 1 and 3) stems from different sources in F/A and B/C respectively. There is much to suggest that B/C is based on a lost copy of A (β) made after one folio had been lost from the beginning of A and another from its middle. Either a presently unknown manuscript (γ) was then used to fill up these two gaps, or else the person who transcribed A composed a new text, either from memory or through dictation. Slysa-Hróa saga is edited here from F, A and B¹ (AM 587 a 4to), with variant readings from four B manuscripts and a selection of readings from C manuscripts. The A and B versions have not been previously published. ISBN 978 87 635 4669 0