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  • 2019-2023
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  • Estonian
  • Digital Humanities and Cultural Her...

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    Authors: Tolonen, Mikko; Mäkelä, Eetu; Marjanen, Jani; Tahko, Tuuli;

    Peer reviewed

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  • image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
    Authors: Tark, Triin;

    Siinne doktoritöö käsitleb rahvuskuuluvuse tähendust inimeste ja riigi vahelistes suhetes 20. sajandi esimesel poolel, kasutades näidisvalimina 1941. aastal Eestist Saksamaale ümber asunud inimeste andmeid. Uurimuse eesmärk on selgitada, kas ja kuidas riiklik rahvuspoliitika mõjutas inimeste käitumist ja vastupidi – mil määral mõjutasid inimeste valikud riikide tegevust. Valimisse hõlmatud inimestest suurem osa puutus uuritaval perioodil kokku nelja riigi – Venemaa keisririigi, Eesti Vabariigi, Nõukogude Liidu ja Saksamaa – rahvuspoliitikaga. Nende põhimõtteliselt erineva rahvuspoliitikaga riikide käsitlemine võimaldab tuvastada rahvuse ühiskondliku tähenduse universaalseid jooni. Eesmärgi täitmiseks analüüsiti inimeste eluloolisi andmeid, seadusandlust ja rahvuspoliitikat puudutavat dokumentatsiooni ning ühiskondlikke olusid puudutavaid allikaid. Doktoritööst selgus, et üksikisikute rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne määramine osutus 20. sajandi esimesel poolel keeruliseks nii riikide kui ka inimeste jaoks, sest puudusid selged kriteeriumid viimaste rahvuspõhiseks kategoriseerimiseks, ühtsed arusaamad rahvuste olemusest ning takistav tegur oli ka mõlema poole pragmaatiliste kaalutluste domineerimine rahvuse määramisel. Mida suurem oli rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne tähtsus, seda enam olid üksikisikute valikud tingitud olukorrast ning märksa vähem nende harjumuspärasest keele- ja kultuurikeskkonnast. Seetõttu ei õnnestunud riikidel peaaegu kunagi soovitud määral rakendada essentsialistlikke ja objektiivsusele pretendeerinud rahvuse määramise kriteeriume, isegi kui see oli eesmärk ja taolisi põhimõtteid seadustega kehtestada püüti. Samuti ei olnud riigid objektiivsuse rakendamisel põhimõttelised ja järjekindlad, vaid kohandasid seisukohti vastavalt pragmaatilistele huvidele ning inimeste käitumisele. Üksikisikute valikutel oli riiklikele poliitikatele märkimisväärne mõju, ehkki arvuliselt oli muutliku ja ebamäärase rahvuskuuluvusega inimesi ühiskonnas marginaalselt. This dissertation focuses on the meaning of ethnicity in the relations between individuals and states in the first half of the 20th century using the biographical data of people who resettled from Estonia to Germany in 1941 as a sample. The aim of this study is to explain whether and how ethnopolitics of the states influenced the behaviour of individuals and vice versa – to what extent individual choices influenced state policy. Most people in the sample were affected by the ethnopolitics of four states: Russian Empire, Estonian Republic, Soviet Union, and Germany. Analysing the states with fundamentally different ethnopolitics enables to identify universal characteristics of the role of ethnicity in the society. To fulfil the aim, biographical data, legislation, and documentation about ethnopolitics as well as sources about the social conditions were analysed. The dissertation shows that fixing individuals’ ethnicity turned out to be difficult for both parties – the states and individuals – since there were no clear criteria for ethnic categorisation and no common understanding about the nature of ethnicity. Pragmatic considerations of both parties also turned out to be an obstacle. The more formal importance ethnicity had, the more individuals made choices dependent on the situation and not so much on their customary lingual and cultural environment. Therefore, the states almost always failed to implement essentialist and objective criteria in fixing individuals’ ethnicity in a desired manner, even if such criteria were their aim and established by law. Furthermore, the authorities of the states were neither principled nor consistent in applying objective criteria. The states had to adapt their stances to their own pragmatic interests and according to the behaviour of individuals instead. Thus, individual choices had a remarkable impact on ethnopolitics, although people with dynamic and vague ethnic identity formed a marginal group in the society. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5450809

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    Authors: Tammisto, Ilmar;

    Anyone that has studied Estonian history has at least some sort of a perception of both the Baltic German nobility and the time period when the territory of modern-day Estonia was a part of the Swedish empire. The expression “good old Swedish time” is well known to most Estonians, even if one is not entirely certain of what is meant by the expression. Similarly, the stereotype of a cruel and greedy landlord who only seeks personal gain is a familiar one. The goal of my dissertation was to offer additional interpretations about the aspirations and attitudes of the Swedish state authorities and the Baltic German nobility. I focused on Swedish Livland (an administrative unit on the territory of modern-day Southern-Estonia and Northern-Latvia) in the years 1634 to 1680. During this time there was a significant increase in the influence of the Livonian nobility and a network of institutions run by the local nobility developed in Livland, which in many respects formed a parallel governance structure to that of the state. Among other things, I wanted to find out why the Swedish state authorities allowed these developments to occur and what was the Livonian nobility trying to achieve with the help of their strengthened position. I reached the conclusion that the aforementioned developments were largely influenced by the expectation of mutual benefits. Swedish state authorities hoped that in return for certain favours, they could acquire additional resources from the Livonian nobility and affirm their allegiance to the Swedish crown. It became evident that besides collecting taxes and protecting the province, the state had very limited capacities to deal with other issues. Although there were problems with public violence, conditions of roads and bridges, efficiency of the courts and many other issues, the representatives of the state showed little initiative to deal with them. Here, the local nobility stepped in. In return for giving up resources, the Livonian nobility sought the permission of the state to deal with the issues troubling the land. For this end, proposals were made to state officials for the issuing of regulations and the founding of new institutions, the offices of which were in most cases without any kind of remuneration. To conclude, it can be said that the expectation of mutual benefits was largely met for both sides – the nobility generally acceded to the demands of the state and in return had the opportunity to influence local governance in a way that was suitable to them. Igaühel, kes on õppinud Eesti ajalugu, on vähemalt mingisugune ettekujutus nii baltisaksa aadlist kui ka ajast, mil tänapäevase Eesti territoorium kuulus Rootsi riigi koosseisu. Väljend „vana hea Rootsi aeg“ on enamikele tuttav, isegi kui ei olda päris kindlad, et milles siis ikkagi see Rootsi aja headus seisnes. Samamoodi kangastub hõlpsasti kujutelm julmast ja ahnest mõisnikust, kes üksnes enda kitsaste erahuvide eest seisis. Seadsin enda doktoritöös eesmärgiks pakkuda täiendavaid tõlgendusi Rootsi riigivõimu ja baltisaksa aadli püüdlustele ja hoiakutele. Keskendusin Rootsi riigi koosseisu kuulunud Liivimaale (tänapäevase Lõuna-Eesti ja Põhja-Läti aladel asunud haldusüksus) aastatel 1634—1680. Kõnealusel ajavahemikul kasvas Liivimaal märgatavalt kohaliku aadli mõjuvõim ning kujunes välja aadli hallatud institutsioonide võrgustik, mis moodustas mitmes mõttes paralleelse haldusstruktuuri riikliku oma kõrval. Soovisin töös muu hulgas teada saada, miks lasi Rootsi riigivõim sellisel olukorral tekkida ning mida üritasid Liivimaa aadlikud tugevnenud positsiooni abil saavutada. Jõudsin järeldusele, et kirjeldatud arenguid tõukas suuresti tagant vastastikuse kasu ootus. Rootsi riigivõim lootis Liivimaa aadlile järeleandmisi tehes hankida neilt vastutasuks täiendavaid ressursse ning kindlustada kohaliku aadli lojaalsus Rootsi riigi ees. Töös ilmnes, et peale maksude kogumise ja Liivimaa kaitsmise jagus riigivõimul vähe võimekust muude teemadega tegelemiseks. Olgugi et probleeme oli maal lokkava vägivalla, teede seisukorra, kohtute efektiivsuse ja palju muuga, näitasid riigivõimu esindajad üles vähest initsiatiivi nendega tegelemiseks. Siin astus mängu kohalik aadel, kes soovis vastutasuks ressursside loovutamise eest riigivõimu luba maad vaevanud probleeme lahendada. Selleks tehti riigivõimule ettepanekuid kõikvõimalike korralduste väljaandmiseks ning uute institutsioonide asutamiseks, kusjuures loodud ametikohad olid enamasti tasustamata. Kokkuvõtteks võib öelda, et kirjeldatud vastastikuse kasu ootus suuresti realiseerus – aadel üldjuhul nõustus riigivõimu nõudmistega ning sai vastutasuks kujundada kohalikku haldust neile sobivas suunas. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5553406

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  • Authors: Hints, Olle; Aren, Mariliis; Hang, Tiit; Kaljo, Dimitri; +8 Authors

    Geoloogiline ajaskaala 2023 on IUGSi Rahvusvahelise Stratigraafia Komisjoni poolt kinnitatud kronostratigraafilise skeemi (versioon 2023/09) eestindatud väljaanne. Stratigraafiliste üksuste nimed on kinnitanud Eesti Stratigraafia Komisjon ning need on soovituslikuks kasutamiseks kõigis eestikeelsetes vastavaid termineid kasutavates väljaannetes. Võrreldes eestindatud ajaskaala eelmise versiooniga (https://doi.org/10.23679/513) on GSSP-ga fikseeritud Langhe, Barreme'i ja Campania lademe (ea) alumised piirid ning täpsustatud nende numbrilised vanused. Ühtlasi on kaasajastatud kõigi Juura ajastu lademete (igade) numbrilised vanused. Hadaikumi algus on uues versioonis defineeritud GSSA-ga, mille numbriline vanus on 4567.3 ±0.16 mln. Arhaikumi alumise piiri vanuseks loetakse nüüd 4031 ±3 mln (seni 4000 mln).

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    Authors: Sirts, Kairit;

    Uurimistöö eesmärgiks oli välja töötada meetod tekstilise andmestiku kogumiseks, mille alusel saaks hiljem arendada masinõppel põhinevaid meetodeid depressiooni ja ärevuse riski automaatseks hindamiseks. Töö käigus koostati ankeet, mille abil koguti tekstilist materjali ligi 300-st vabatahtlikust koosnevalt mugavusvalimilt. Kogutud tekstid sisaldasid nii etteantud pildi kirjeldust kui ka vabalt valitud sündmuse või mälestuse kirjeldust. Valimis osalenute emotsionaalset seisundit mõõdeti EEK-2 skriiningtesti abil. Ligi 42% isikutest ületas depressiooni ning ligi 30% isikutest ärevuse alaskaala riskilävendi. Esialgsed eksperimendid masinõppe mudelitega, mis püüdsid ennustada, kas inimese EEK-2 skoor ületab depressiooni ja/või ärevuse riskilävendi, edukaid tulemusi ei andnud. Kokkuvõttes tundub, et etteantud pildi kirjeldamine ei ole sobivaim viis soovitud andmestiku kogumiseks ja pigem peaks kasutama selliseid kirjutamise ülesandeid, mis oleks inimese endaga rohkem seotud.

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    Authors: Raudsepp, Ago;

    Can a country with a constant state of emergency in its capital – as was the case in Estonia in 1918–1934 – be considered a democracy? Or a country where political violence is used against members of a parliamentary committee during a committee meeting – as was the case in Finland in 1930? Why did the Estonian Social Democrats support the 1934 coup and why did the Finnish Swedes defend the Finnish Communists? Why could Estonia not find any allies except Latvia in the 1920s and 1930s, and why was Finland left without allies in the Winter War? Why did Estonia and Finland not behave in the same way in the autumn of 1939, and why did the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand declare war on Finland in 1941? The answers to these questions lie in the relationships between democracy and security, which is exactly the topic of my dissertation. Based on the works of different philosophers, it is possible to show that democracy and security are interdependent. The relationship between democracy and security can be reduced to the classic dilemmas between freedom and security, freedom and sovereignty, and sovereignty and security. Although it is not possible to solve these dilemmas definitively, the solution can be improved indefinitely. I argue that the way in which democratic societies resolve these dilemmas does not depend on democratic culture or on the wisdom inherent in people, but on the perceptions of the majorities of democratic societies, which in turn depend primarily on historical experience. The theoretical explanation proposed in my dissertation helps to understand why Estonia’s and Finland’s quests for security failed in 1918–1948 and why Estonia and Finland made different choices at the turning points of their history. The behaviour of Estonia’s leaders during the events of 1939 and 1940 also becomes understandable. Hopefully, my dissertation will contribute to a fair judgement of the activities of Konstantin Päts and Johan Laidoner, and to reconciling Estonian society on the question of whether they were heroes or villains. However, the most important aim is to contribute to an understanding of just how fragile democracy and security can be, how they depend on each other and, in particular, how they depend on historical experience. Kas saab pidada demokraatlikuks riiki, mille pealinnas kehtib pidev erakorraline seisukord – nagu oli Eesti aastatel 1918–1934? Või riiki, kus parlamendikomisjoni liikmete vastu kasutatakse poliitilist vägivalda komisjoni istungi toimumise ajal – nagu oli Soome aastal 1930? Miks Eesti sotsiaaldemokraadid toetasid 1934. aasta riigipööret ja miks soomerootslased kaitsesid Soome kommuniste? Miks ei õnnestunud 1920-ndate ja 1930-ndate Eestil leida ühtegi liitlast peale Läti ja miks jäi Soome talvesõjas ilma liitlasteta? Miks Eesti ja Soome 1939. aasta sügisel ühtemoodi ei käitunud ja miks Ühendkuningriik, Kanada, Austraalia ja Uus-Meremaa 1941. aastal Soomele sõja kuulutasid? Vastus peitub demokraatia ja julgeoleku vahelistes seostes, mida minu väitekiri uuribki. Erinevate filosoofide töödele tuginedes on võimalik näidata, et demokraatia ja julgeolek sõltuvad vastastikku üksteisest. Demokraatia ja julgeoleku vaheline seos on taandatav klassikalistele dilemmadele vabaduse ja julgeoleku, vabaduse ja suveräänsuse ja suveräänsuse ja julgeoleku vahel. Kuigi dilemmasid ei ole võimalik lõplikult lahendada, on lahendust võimalik lõputult täiustada. Ma väidan, et see, kuidas demokraatlikud ühiskonnad neid dilemmasid lahendavad, ei sõltu mitte demokraatlikust kultuurist või rahvale omasest tarkusest, vaid demokraatlike ühiskondade enamuste arusaamadest, mis omakorda sõltuvad eelkõige ajaloolisest kogemusest. Minu väitekirjas välja pakutud teoreetiline selgitus aitab mõista, miks Eesti ja Soome julgeolekuotsingud aastatel 1918–1948 läbi kukkusid ja miks Eesti ja Soome oma ajaloo pöördepunktides erinevaid valikuid tegid. Mõistetavaks muutub ka Eesti riigijuhtide käitumine 1939. ja 1940. aasta sündmuste ajal. Loodetavasti aitab minu väitekiri kaasa õiglase hinnangu andmisele Konstantin Pätsi ja Johan Laidoneri tegevusele ja Eesti ühiskonna lepitamisele küsimuses, kas tegemist oli kangelaste või kurjategijatega. Kõige tähtsam on siiski aidata kaasa mõistmisele, kuivõrd haprad võivad olla demokraatia ja julgeolek, kuidas nad vastastikku üksteisest sõltuvad ja eriti – kuidas nad sõltuvad ajaloolisest kogemusest. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5391015

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    Authors: Kurisoo, Tuuli; Posti, Mari-Liis;

    Käesolev andmestik koosneb EDAO projekti tööpakketide 2 ja 3 aruandest ning esemeliikide skeemidest. Aruanne ja esemeliikide skeemid on seotud EKKD75 projektiga, mis sai rahastuse programmist „Eesti keel ja kultuur digiajastul 2019–2027" ning viidi läbi 07.03.2022-06.03.2023 Tallinna Ülikoolis. Avalikus on tehtud need projekti tulemused, mis ei kajastu publikatsioonides, kuid mis on analüüsitud ja mõeldud laiemalt kasutamiseks.

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    Report . 2023
    License: CC BY NC ND
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    Archaeological finds related to book culture from medieval and early modern periods are not numerous in Estonia. This is perhaps also the reason why this material has received only little attention from the researchers. The main aim of this paper is to explore the potential of applying the archaeological approach to book fittings found in Estonia. This study focuses on the book fittings recovered from the grounds of the Birgittine Convent of Pirita, where the largest number of such finds is known. Another objective is to shed some light on the Birgittine book culture in Estonia and discuss the acquisition, ownership and handling of books during different periods of the convent

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    Authors: Purver, Matthew; Pollak, Senja; Freienthal, Linda; Kuulmets, Hele-Andra; +2 Authors

    The dataset is an archive of articles from the Ekspress Meedia news site from 2009-2019, containing over 1.4M articles, mostly in Estonian language (1,115,120 articles) with some in Russian (325,952 articles). Keywords are included for articles after 2015. The main archive is in file ee_articles_2009_2019. Other files contain derived versions and subsets - please see README files inside those zip files. The main archive contains JSON files of all the Estonian articles from the year 2009 to 2019 May. These datasets are intended for usage in EMBEDDIA, a H2020 project. Articles are in Estonian language with some in Russian. The main archive is in file ee_*articles_*2009_2019. Other files contain derived versions and subsets (please see README files inside those zip files), in short: - eearticles2015-2019: This dataset contains Estonian and Russian articles - 5 years, with tags, that were missing in the previous versions. - files eearticles20152019lemmatized and eearticles20092014lemmatized are the files preprocessed by TEXTA (contact linda@texta.ee) - in file eeandsttarticlelemmasembeddingsand_usage you can find w2v embeddings trained by TEXTA (contact linda@texta.ee) Description of the Main Dataset (eearticles_2009_2019) There are 12 JSON files: articles_2009_ver2.json contains 161394 articles from the year 2009 articles_2010_ver2.json contains 151033 articles from the year 2010 articles_2011_ver2.json contains 168273 articles from the year 2011 articles_2012_ver2.json contains 152772 articles from the year 2012 articles_2013_ver2.json contains 141012 articles from the year 2013 articles_2014_ver2.json contains 128388 articles from the year 2014 articles_2015_ver2.json contains 127425 articles from the year 2015 articles_2016_ver2.json contains 130704 articles from the year 2016 articles_2017_ver2.json contains 119318 articles from the year 2017 articles_2018_ver2.json contains 117388 articles from the year 2018 articles_2019_Jan-Apr_ver2.json contains 35076 articles from the year 2019 January to April articles_2019_May_ver2.json contains 8329 articles from the year 2019 May In sum: 1 441 112 articles Each JSON file is a list of dictionaries, i.e. each article is represented as a dictionary. Each dictionary contains the following: id (integer) - the ID of the article title (string) - the title of the article lead (string) - the lead of the article (can contain HTML, e.g. tag) url (string) - the URL of the article tags (list of dictionaries or None) [1]: each dictionary represents one tag. The tag dictionary contains the following: domain_id (string) [2] - the ID of the domain id (string) - the ID of the tag lang (string) - the language of the tag tag (string) - the tag itself, e.g. Kert Kingo (a name) translitted_name (string) - a modified version of the tag, e.g. kert-kingo rawBody (string) - the raw text of the article (contains HTML) bodyText (string) - clean article text (stripped from HTML) publishDate (string) - published date & time of the article categoryPrimary (dictionary or empty list) - the dictionary contains the following information: categoryId (integer) - the ID of the category categoryName (string)- the name of the category (e.g. World) channelId (integer) - the ID of the channel OR articleId (integer) - the ID of the article categoryId (integer) - the ID of the category categoryName (string)- the name of the category (e.g. World) categoryPrimary (boolean) - unknown categorySort (integer) - unknown categoryUrl (string) - the URL of the category categoryVisible (boolean) - unknown channelId (integer) - the ID of the channel channelUrl (string) - the URL of the channel (e.g. 'https://sport.delfi.ee') directoryName (string) - unknown parentId (integer) - unknown channelLanguage (string or None) [3] - the language of the channel categoryLanguage (int or None) [4] -unknown commentCount (int) [5] - the number of comments relatedArticles (list of integers) - a list of related articles' ID's

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    Authors: Freienthal, Linda; Pelicon, Andraž; Martinc, Matej; Škrlj, Blaž; +8 Authors

    This dataset contains articles from EMBEDDIA Media partners with various information added by the tools developed within the EMBEDDIA project: - 12,390 Estonian articles from 2019 with tags given by Ekspress Meedia. The complete dataset without the output of EMBEDDIA tools is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1408 - 5,000 Croatian articles from autumn of 2010 with tags given by 24sata. The complete dataset without the output of EMBEDDIA tools is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1410 - 15,264 Latvian articles from 2019 with tags given by Ekspress Meedia. The complete dataset without the output of EMBEDDIA tools is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1409 All the articles in the dataset have been analysed with texta-mlp Python package (https://pypi.org/project/texta-mlp/) via the EMBEDDIA Media assistant's Texta Toolkit (https://docs.texta.ee/). The tools used to analyse the articles were the following: - Latin1 and Latin2 Name Entity Recognition Tool modules (Cabrera-Diego et al., 2021, both described in https://aclanthology.org/2021.bsnlp-1.12/) . The Latin 1 results can be found folders annotated_articles_ner_latin1/ and annotated_articles_all_tools/, while the Latin 2 results are in annotated_articles_nerlatin2/ or annotated_articles_all_tools/. - RAKUN keyword extractor. RAKUN (Škrlj et al. 2019) is an unsupervised system for keyword extraction, so it can be used for any language. It detects keywords by turning text into a graph and the most important nodes in the graph mostly turn out to be the keywords. It is described in https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-31372-2_26. The keyword annotation results can be found in the folder annotated_articles_rakun/ or annotated_articles_all_tools/. - TNT-KID keyword extractor. TNT-KID (Martinc et al. 2021, ) is a supervised system for automatic keyword extraction. It was trained on a corpus of articles with human-assigned keywords. For Croatian, the annotators were 24sata editors, for Estonian the Ekspress Meedia staff and for Latvian the Latvian Delfi staff. The system is further documented at https://doi.org/10.1017/S1351324921000127. For Croatian only TNT-KID was applied, while for Estonian and Latvian, the TNT-KID with TF-IDF, and extension by Koloski et al. (https://aclanthology.org/2021.hackashop-1.4.pdf) was used. The results of applying this tool are found in the folder annotated articles tnt_kid/ or annotated articles all tools/. - Sentiment analysis. Our news sentiment analyser (Pelicon et al. 2020) labels a news article as being of positive, negative, or neutral sentiment, using a fine-tuned multilingual BERT model, which was trained on Slovene sentiment annotated news articles. The system is further documented in https://doi.org/10.3390/app10175993. The results of this tools are found in the folder annotated articles sentiment/ or annotated articles all tools/. All the data is encoded in "JSON Lines" format. Each folder has its own README file which explains the structure of the files.

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  • image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
    Authors: Tolonen, Mikko; Mäkelä, Eetu; Marjanen, Jani; Tahko, Tuuli;

    Peer reviewed

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    Authors: Tark, Triin;

    Siinne doktoritöö käsitleb rahvuskuuluvuse tähendust inimeste ja riigi vahelistes suhetes 20. sajandi esimesel poolel, kasutades näidisvalimina 1941. aastal Eestist Saksamaale ümber asunud inimeste andmeid. Uurimuse eesmärk on selgitada, kas ja kuidas riiklik rahvuspoliitika mõjutas inimeste käitumist ja vastupidi – mil määral mõjutasid inimeste valikud riikide tegevust. Valimisse hõlmatud inimestest suurem osa puutus uuritaval perioodil kokku nelja riigi – Venemaa keisririigi, Eesti Vabariigi, Nõukogude Liidu ja Saksamaa – rahvuspoliitikaga. Nende põhimõtteliselt erineva rahvuspoliitikaga riikide käsitlemine võimaldab tuvastada rahvuse ühiskondliku tähenduse universaalseid jooni. Eesmärgi täitmiseks analüüsiti inimeste eluloolisi andmeid, seadusandlust ja rahvuspoliitikat puudutavat dokumentatsiooni ning ühiskondlikke olusid puudutavaid allikaid. Doktoritööst selgus, et üksikisikute rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne määramine osutus 20. sajandi esimesel poolel keeruliseks nii riikide kui ka inimeste jaoks, sest puudusid selged kriteeriumid viimaste rahvuspõhiseks kategoriseerimiseks, ühtsed arusaamad rahvuste olemusest ning takistav tegur oli ka mõlema poole pragmaatiliste kaalutluste domineerimine rahvuse määramisel. Mida suurem oli rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne tähtsus, seda enam olid üksikisikute valikud tingitud olukorrast ning märksa vähem nende harjumuspärasest keele- ja kultuurikeskkonnast. Seetõttu ei õnnestunud riikidel peaaegu kunagi soovitud määral rakendada essentsialistlikke ja objektiivsusele pretendeerinud rahvuse määramise kriteeriume, isegi kui see oli eesmärk ja taolisi põhimõtteid seadustega kehtestada püüti. Samuti ei olnud riigid objektiivsuse rakendamisel põhimõttelised ja järjekindlad, vaid kohandasid seisukohti vastavalt pragmaatilistele huvidele ning inimeste käitumisele. Üksikisikute valikutel oli riiklikele poliitikatele märkimisväärne mõju, ehkki arvuliselt oli muutliku ja ebamäärase rahvuskuuluvusega inimesi ühiskonnas marginaalselt. This dissertation focuses on the meaning of ethnicity in the relations between individuals and states in the first half of the 20th century using the biographical data of people who resettled from Estonia to Germany in 1941 as a sample. The aim of this study is to explain whether and how ethnopolitics of the states influenced the behaviour of individuals and vice versa – to what extent individual choices influenced state policy. Most people in the sample were affected by the ethnopolitics of four states: Russian Empire, Estonian Republic, Soviet Union, and Germany. Analysing the states with fundamentally different ethnopolitics enables to identify universal characteristics of the role of ethnicity in the society. To fulfil the aim, biographical data, legislation, and documentation about ethnopolitics as well as sources about the social conditions were analysed. The dissertation shows that fixing individuals’ ethnicity turned out to be difficult for both parties – the states and individuals – since there were no clear criteria for ethnic categorisation and no common understanding about the nature of ethnicity. Pragmatic considerations of both parties also turned out to be an obstacle. The more formal importance ethnicity had, the more individuals made choices dependent on the situation and not so much on their customary lingual and cultural environment. Therefore, the states almost always failed to implement essentialist and objective criteria in fixing individuals’ ethnicity in a desired manner, even if such criteria were their aim and established by law. Furthermore, the authorities of the states were neither principled nor consistent in applying objective criteria. The states had to adapt their stances to their own pragmatic interests and according to the behaviour of individuals instead. Thus, individual choices had a remarkable impact on ethnopolitics, although people with dynamic and vague ethnic identity formed a marginal group in the society. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5450809

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    Authors: Tammisto, Ilmar;

    Anyone that has studied Estonian history has at least some sort of a perception of both the Baltic German nobility and the time period when the territory of modern-day Estonia was a part of the Swedish empire. The expression “good old Swedish time” is well known to most Estonians, even if one is not entirely certain of what is meant by the expression. Similarly, the stereotype of a cruel and greedy landlord who only seeks personal gain is a familiar one. The goal of my dissertation was to offer additional interpretations about the aspirations and attitudes of the Swedish state authorities and the Baltic German nobility. I focused on Swedish Livland (an administrative unit on the territory of modern-day Southern-Estonia and Northern-Latvia) in the years 1634 to 1680. During this time there was a significant increase in the influence of the Livonian nobility and a network of institutions run by the local nobility developed in Livland, which in many respects formed a parallel governance structure to that of the state. Among other things, I wanted to find out why the Swedish state authorities allowed these developments to occur and what was the Livonian nobility trying to achieve with the help of their strengthened position. I reached the conclusion that the aforementioned developments were largely influenced by the expectation of mutual benefits. Swedish state authorities hoped that in return for certain favours, they could acquire additional resources from the Livonian nobility and affirm their allegiance to the Swedish crown. It became evident that besides collecting taxes and protecting the province, the state had very limited capacities to deal with other issues. Although there were problems with public violence, conditions of roads and bridges, efficiency of the courts and many other issues, the representatives of the state showed little initiative to deal with them. Here, the local nobility stepped in. In return for giving up resources, the Livonian nobility sought the permission of the state to deal with the issues troubling the land. For this end, proposals were made to state officials for the issuing of regulations and the founding of new institutions, the offices of which were in most cases without any kind of remuneration. To conclude, it can be said that the expectation of mutual benefits was largely met for both sides – the nobility generally acceded to the demands of the state and in return had the opportunity to influence local governance in a way that was suitable to them. Igaühel, kes on õppinud Eesti ajalugu, on vähemalt mingisugune ettekujutus nii baltisaksa aadlist kui ka ajast, mil tänapäevase Eesti territoorium kuulus Rootsi riigi koosseisu. Väljend „vana hea Rootsi aeg“ on enamikele tuttav, isegi kui ei olda päris kindlad, et milles siis ikkagi see Rootsi aja headus seisnes. Samamoodi kangastub hõlpsasti kujutelm julmast ja ahnest mõisnikust, kes üksnes enda kitsaste erahuvide eest seisis. Seadsin enda doktoritöös eesmärgiks pakkuda täiendavaid tõlgendusi Rootsi riigivõimu ja baltisaksa aadli püüdlustele ja hoiakutele. Keskendusin Rootsi riigi koosseisu kuulunud Liivimaale (tänapäevase Lõuna-Eesti ja Põhja-Läti aladel asunud haldusüksus) aastatel 1634—1680. Kõnealusel ajavahemikul kasvas Liivimaal märgatavalt kohaliku aadli mõjuvõim ning kujunes välja aadli hallatud institutsioonide võrgustik, mis moodustas mitmes mõttes paralleelse haldusstruktuuri riikliku oma kõrval. Soovisin töös muu hulgas teada saada, miks lasi Rootsi riigivõim sellisel olukorral tekkida ning mida üritasid Liivimaa aadlikud tugevnenud positsiooni abil saavutada. Jõudsin järeldusele, et kirjeldatud arenguid tõukas suuresti tagant vastastikuse kasu ootus. Rootsi riigivõim lootis Liivimaa aadlile järeleandmisi tehes hankida neilt vastutasuks täiendavaid ressursse ning kindlustada kohaliku aadli lojaalsus Rootsi riigi ees. Töös ilmnes, et peale maksude kogumise ja Liivimaa kaitsmise jagus riigivõimul vähe võimekust muude teemadega tegelemiseks. Olgugi et probleeme oli maal lokkava vägivalla, teede seisukorra, kohtute efektiivsuse ja palju muuga, näitasid riigivõimu esindajad üles vähest initsiatiivi nendega tegelemiseks. Siin astus mängu kohalik aadel, kes soovis vastutasuks ressursside loovutamise eest riigivõimu luba maad vaevanud probleeme lahendada. Selleks tehti riigivõimule ettepanekuid kõikvõimalike korralduste väljaandmiseks ning uute institutsioonide asutamiseks, kusjuures loodud ametikohad olid enamasti tasustamata. Kokkuvõtteks võib öelda, et kirjeldatud vastastikuse kasu ootus suuresti realiseerus – aadel üldjuhul nõustus riigivõimu nõudmistega ning sai vastutasuks kujundada kohalikku haldust neile sobivas suunas. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5553406

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  • Authors: Hints, Olle; Aren, Mariliis; Hang, Tiit; Kaljo, Dimitri; +8 Authors

    Geoloogiline ajaskaala 2023 on IUGSi Rahvusvahelise Stratigraafia Komisjoni poolt kinnitatud kronostratigraafilise skeemi (versioon 2023/09) eestindatud väljaanne. Stratigraafiliste üksuste nimed on kinnitanud Eesti Stratigraafia Komisjon ning need on soovituslikuks kasutamiseks kõigis eestikeelsetes vastavaid termineid kasutavates väljaannetes. Võrreldes eestindatud ajaskaala eelmise versiooniga (https://doi.org/10.23679/513) on GSSP-ga fikseeritud Langhe, Barreme'i ja Campania lademe (ea) alumised piirid ning täpsustatud nende numbrilised vanused. Ühtlasi on kaasajastatud kõigi Juura ajastu lademete (igade) numbrilised vanused. Hadaikumi algus on uues versioonis defineeritud GSSA-ga, mille numbriline vanus on 4567.3 ±0.16 mln. Arhaikumi alumise piiri vanuseks loetakse nüüd 4031 ±3 mln (seni 4000 mln).

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    Authors: Sirts, Kairit;

    Uurimistöö eesmärgiks oli välja töötada meetod tekstilise andmestiku kogumiseks, mille alusel saaks hiljem arendada masinõppel põhinevaid meetodeid depressiooni ja ärevuse riski automaatseks hindamiseks. Töö käigus koostati ankeet, mille abil koguti tekstilist materjali ligi 300-st vabatahtlikust koosnevalt mugavusvalimilt. Kogutud tekstid sisaldasid nii etteantud pildi kirjeldust kui ka vabalt valitud sündmuse või mälestuse kirjeldust. Valimis osalenute emotsionaalset seisundit mõõdeti EEK-2 skriiningtesti abil. Ligi 42% isikutest ületas depressiooni ning ligi 30% isikutest ärevuse alaskaala riskilävendi. Esialgsed eksperimendid masinõppe mudelitega, mis püüdsid ennustada, kas inimese EEK-2 skoor ületab depressiooni ja/või ärevuse riskilävendi, edukaid tulemusi ei andnud. Kokkuvõttes tundub, et etteantud pildi kirjeldamine ei ole sobivaim viis soovitud andmestiku kogumiseks ja pigem peaks kasutama selliseid kirjutamise ülesandeid, mis oleks inimese endaga rohkem seotud.

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    Authors: Raudsepp, Ago;

    Can a country with a constant state of emergency in its capital – as was the case in Estonia in 1918–1934 – be considered a democracy? Or a country where political violence is used against members of a parliamentary committee during a committee meeting – as was the case in Finland in 1930? Why did the Estonian Social Democrats support the 1934 coup and why did the Finnish Swedes defend the Finnish Communists? Why could Estonia not find any allies except Latvia in the 1920s and 1930s, and why was Finland left without allies in the Winter War? Why did Estonia and Finland not behave in the same way in the autumn of 1939, and why did the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand declare war on Finland in 1941? The answers to these questions lie in the relationships between democracy and security, which is exactly the topic of my dissertation. Based on the works of different philosophers, it is possible to show that democracy and security are interdependent. The relationship between democracy and security can be reduced to the classic dilemmas between freedom and security, freedom and sovereignty, and sovereignty and security. Although it is not possible to solve these dilemmas definitively, the solution can be improved indefinitely. I argue that the way in which democratic societies resolve these dilemmas does not depend on democratic culture or on the wisdom inherent in people, but on the perceptions of the majorities of democratic societies, which in turn depend primarily on historical experience. The theoretical explanation proposed in my dissertation helps to understand why Estonia’s and Finland’s quests for security failed in 1918–1948 and why Estonia and Finland made different choices at the turning points of their history. The behaviour of Estonia’s leaders during the events of 1939 and 1940 also becomes understandable. Hopefully, my dissertation will contribute to a fair judgement of the activities of Konstantin Päts and Johan Laidoner, and to reconciling Estonian society on the question of whether they were heroes or villains. However, the most important aim is to contribute to an understanding of just how fragile democracy and security can be, how they depend on each other and, in particular, how they depend on historical experience. Kas saab pidada demokraatlikuks riiki, mille pealinnas kehtib pidev erakorraline seisukord – nagu oli Eesti aastatel 1918–1934? Või riiki, kus parlamendikomisjoni liikmete vastu kasutatakse poliitilist vägivalda komisjoni istungi toimumise ajal – nagu oli Soome aastal 1930? Miks Eesti sotsiaaldemokraadid toetasid 1934. aasta riigipööret ja miks soomerootslased kaitsesid Soome kommuniste? Miks ei õnnestunud 1920-ndate ja 1930-ndate Eestil leida ühtegi liitlast peale Läti ja miks jäi Soome talvesõjas ilma liitlasteta? Miks Eesti ja Soome 1939. aasta sügisel ühtemoodi ei käitunud ja miks Ühendkuningriik, Kanada, Austraalia ja Uus-Meremaa 1941. aastal Soomele sõja kuulutasid? Vastus peitub demokraatia ja julgeoleku vahelistes seostes, mida minu väitekiri uuribki. Erinevate filosoofide töödele tuginedes on võimalik näidata, et demokraatia ja julgeolek sõltuvad vastastikku üksteisest. Demokraatia ja julgeoleku vaheline seos on taandatav klassikalistele dilemmadele vabaduse ja julgeoleku, vabaduse ja suveräänsuse ja suveräänsuse ja julgeoleku vahel. Kuigi dilemmasid ei ole võimalik lõplikult lahendada, on lahendust võimalik lõputult täiustada. Ma väidan, et see, kuidas demokraatlikud ühiskonnad neid dilemmasid lahendavad, ei sõltu mitte demokraatlikust kultuurist või rahvale omasest tarkusest, vaid demokraatlike ühiskondade enamuste arusaamadest, mis omakorda sõltuvad eelkõige ajaloolisest kogemusest. Minu väitekirjas välja pakutud teoreetiline selgitus aitab mõista, miks Eesti ja Soome julgeolekuotsingud aastatel 1918–1948 läbi kukkusid ja miks Eesti ja Soome oma ajaloo pöördepunktides erinevaid valikuid tegid. Mõistetavaks muutub ka Eesti riigijuhtide käitumine 1939. ja 1940. aasta sündmuste ajal. Loodetavasti aitab minu väitekiri kaasa õiglase hinnangu andmisele Konstantin Pätsi ja Johan Laidoneri tegevusele ja Eesti ühiskonna lepitamisele küsimuses, kas tegemist oli kangelaste või kurjategijatega. Kõige tähtsam on siiski aidata kaasa mõistmisele, kuivõrd haprad võivad olla demokraatia ja julgeolek, kuidas nad vastastikku üksteisest sõltuvad ja eriti – kuidas nad sõltuvad ajaloolisest kogemusest. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5391015

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    Authors: Kurisoo, Tuuli; Posti, Mari-Liis;

    Käesolev andmestik koosneb EDAO projekti tööpakketide 2 ja 3 aruandest ning esemeliikide skeemidest. Aruanne ja esemeliikide skeemid on seotud EKKD75 projektiga, mis sai rahastuse programmist „Eesti keel ja kultuur digiajastul 2019–2027" ning viidi läbi 07.03.2022-06.03.2023 Tallinna Ülikoolis. Avalikus on tehtud need projekti tulemused, mis ei kajastu publikatsioonides, kuid mis on analüüsitud ja mõeldud laiemalt kasutamiseks.

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    Report . 2023
    License: CC BY NC ND
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    Other literature type . 2023
    Data sources: B2FIND
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      Report . 2023
      License: CC BY NC ND
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      Other literature type . 2023
      Data sources: B2FIND
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    Archaeological finds related to book culture from medieval and early modern periods are not numerous in Estonia. This is perhaps also the reason why this material has received only little attention from the researchers. The main aim of this paper is to explore the potential of applying the archaeological approach to book fittings found in Estonia. This study focuses on the book fittings recovered from the grounds of the Birgittine Convent of Pirita, where the largest number of such finds is known. Another objective is to shed some light on the Birgittine book culture in Estonia and discuss the acquisition, ownership and handling of books during different periods of the convent

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    Article . 2023 . Peer-reviewed
    License: CC BY
    ZENODO
    Article . 2023
    License: CC BY
    Data sources: Datacite
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