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  • 2019-2023
  • Publications
  • Estonian
  • Digital Humanities and Cultural Her...
  • GOTRIPLE - Social Sciences and Huma...

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    Authors: Tolonen, Mikko; Mäkelä, Eetu; Marjanen, Jani; Tahko, Tuuli;

    Peer reviewed

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  • image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
    Authors: Tark, Triin;

    Siinne doktoritöö käsitleb rahvuskuuluvuse tähendust inimeste ja riigi vahelistes suhetes 20. sajandi esimesel poolel, kasutades näidisvalimina 1941. aastal Eestist Saksamaale ümber asunud inimeste andmeid. Uurimuse eesmärk on selgitada, kas ja kuidas riiklik rahvuspoliitika mõjutas inimeste käitumist ja vastupidi – mil määral mõjutasid inimeste valikud riikide tegevust. Valimisse hõlmatud inimestest suurem osa puutus uuritaval perioodil kokku nelja riigi – Venemaa keisririigi, Eesti Vabariigi, Nõukogude Liidu ja Saksamaa – rahvuspoliitikaga. Nende põhimõtteliselt erineva rahvuspoliitikaga riikide käsitlemine võimaldab tuvastada rahvuse ühiskondliku tähenduse universaalseid jooni. Eesmärgi täitmiseks analüüsiti inimeste eluloolisi andmeid, seadusandlust ja rahvuspoliitikat puudutavat dokumentatsiooni ning ühiskondlikke olusid puudutavaid allikaid. Doktoritööst selgus, et üksikisikute rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne määramine osutus 20. sajandi esimesel poolel keeruliseks nii riikide kui ka inimeste jaoks, sest puudusid selged kriteeriumid viimaste rahvuspõhiseks kategoriseerimiseks, ühtsed arusaamad rahvuste olemusest ning takistav tegur oli ka mõlema poole pragmaatiliste kaalutluste domineerimine rahvuse määramisel. Mida suurem oli rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne tähtsus, seda enam olid üksikisikute valikud tingitud olukorrast ning märksa vähem nende harjumuspärasest keele- ja kultuurikeskkonnast. Seetõttu ei õnnestunud riikidel peaaegu kunagi soovitud määral rakendada essentsialistlikke ja objektiivsusele pretendeerinud rahvuse määramise kriteeriume, isegi kui see oli eesmärk ja taolisi põhimõtteid seadustega kehtestada püüti. Samuti ei olnud riigid objektiivsuse rakendamisel põhimõttelised ja järjekindlad, vaid kohandasid seisukohti vastavalt pragmaatilistele huvidele ning inimeste käitumisele. Üksikisikute valikutel oli riiklikele poliitikatele märkimisväärne mõju, ehkki arvuliselt oli muutliku ja ebamäärase rahvuskuuluvusega inimesi ühiskonnas marginaalselt. This dissertation focuses on the meaning of ethnicity in the relations between individuals and states in the first half of the 20th century using the biographical data of people who resettled from Estonia to Germany in 1941 as a sample. The aim of this study is to explain whether and how ethnopolitics of the states influenced the behaviour of individuals and vice versa – to what extent individual choices influenced state policy. Most people in the sample were affected by the ethnopolitics of four states: Russian Empire, Estonian Republic, Soviet Union, and Germany. Analysing the states with fundamentally different ethnopolitics enables to identify universal characteristics of the role of ethnicity in the society. To fulfil the aim, biographical data, legislation, and documentation about ethnopolitics as well as sources about the social conditions were analysed. The dissertation shows that fixing individuals’ ethnicity turned out to be difficult for both parties – the states and individuals – since there were no clear criteria for ethnic categorisation and no common understanding about the nature of ethnicity. Pragmatic considerations of both parties also turned out to be an obstacle. The more formal importance ethnicity had, the more individuals made choices dependent on the situation and not so much on their customary lingual and cultural environment. Therefore, the states almost always failed to implement essentialist and objective criteria in fixing individuals’ ethnicity in a desired manner, even if such criteria were their aim and established by law. Furthermore, the authorities of the states were neither principled nor consistent in applying objective criteria. The states had to adapt their stances to their own pragmatic interests and according to the behaviour of individuals instead. Thus, individual choices had a remarkable impact on ethnopolitics, although people with dynamic and vague ethnic identity formed a marginal group in the society. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5450809

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    Authors: Tammisto, Ilmar;

    Anyone that has studied Estonian history has at least some sort of a perception of both the Baltic German nobility and the time period when the territory of modern-day Estonia was a part of the Swedish empire. The expression “good old Swedish time” is well known to most Estonians, even if one is not entirely certain of what is meant by the expression. Similarly, the stereotype of a cruel and greedy landlord who only seeks personal gain is a familiar one. The goal of my dissertation was to offer additional interpretations about the aspirations and attitudes of the Swedish state authorities and the Baltic German nobility. I focused on Swedish Livland (an administrative unit on the territory of modern-day Southern-Estonia and Northern-Latvia) in the years 1634 to 1680. During this time there was a significant increase in the influence of the Livonian nobility and a network of institutions run by the local nobility developed in Livland, which in many respects formed a parallel governance structure to that of the state. Among other things, I wanted to find out why the Swedish state authorities allowed these developments to occur and what was the Livonian nobility trying to achieve with the help of their strengthened position. I reached the conclusion that the aforementioned developments were largely influenced by the expectation of mutual benefits. Swedish state authorities hoped that in return for certain favours, they could acquire additional resources from the Livonian nobility and affirm their allegiance to the Swedish crown. It became evident that besides collecting taxes and protecting the province, the state had very limited capacities to deal with other issues. Although there were problems with public violence, conditions of roads and bridges, efficiency of the courts and many other issues, the representatives of the state showed little initiative to deal with them. Here, the local nobility stepped in. In return for giving up resources, the Livonian nobility sought the permission of the state to deal with the issues troubling the land. For this end, proposals were made to state officials for the issuing of regulations and the founding of new institutions, the offices of which were in most cases without any kind of remuneration. To conclude, it can be said that the expectation of mutual benefits was largely met for both sides – the nobility generally acceded to the demands of the state and in return had the opportunity to influence local governance in a way that was suitable to them. Igaühel, kes on õppinud Eesti ajalugu, on vähemalt mingisugune ettekujutus nii baltisaksa aadlist kui ka ajast, mil tänapäevase Eesti territoorium kuulus Rootsi riigi koosseisu. Väljend „vana hea Rootsi aeg“ on enamikele tuttav, isegi kui ei olda päris kindlad, et milles siis ikkagi see Rootsi aja headus seisnes. Samamoodi kangastub hõlpsasti kujutelm julmast ja ahnest mõisnikust, kes üksnes enda kitsaste erahuvide eest seisis. Seadsin enda doktoritöös eesmärgiks pakkuda täiendavaid tõlgendusi Rootsi riigivõimu ja baltisaksa aadli püüdlustele ja hoiakutele. Keskendusin Rootsi riigi koosseisu kuulunud Liivimaale (tänapäevase Lõuna-Eesti ja Põhja-Läti aladel asunud haldusüksus) aastatel 1634—1680. Kõnealusel ajavahemikul kasvas Liivimaal märgatavalt kohaliku aadli mõjuvõim ning kujunes välja aadli hallatud institutsioonide võrgustik, mis moodustas mitmes mõttes paralleelse haldusstruktuuri riikliku oma kõrval. Soovisin töös muu hulgas teada saada, miks lasi Rootsi riigivõim sellisel olukorral tekkida ning mida üritasid Liivimaa aadlikud tugevnenud positsiooni abil saavutada. Jõudsin järeldusele, et kirjeldatud arenguid tõukas suuresti tagant vastastikuse kasu ootus. Rootsi riigivõim lootis Liivimaa aadlile järeleandmisi tehes hankida neilt vastutasuks täiendavaid ressursse ning kindlustada kohaliku aadli lojaalsus Rootsi riigi ees. Töös ilmnes, et peale maksude kogumise ja Liivimaa kaitsmise jagus riigivõimul vähe võimekust muude teemadega tegelemiseks. Olgugi et probleeme oli maal lokkava vägivalla, teede seisukorra, kohtute efektiivsuse ja palju muuga, näitasid riigivõimu esindajad üles vähest initsiatiivi nendega tegelemiseks. Siin astus mängu kohalik aadel, kes soovis vastutasuks ressursside loovutamise eest riigivõimu luba maad vaevanud probleeme lahendada. Selleks tehti riigivõimule ettepanekuid kõikvõimalike korralduste väljaandmiseks ning uute institutsioonide asutamiseks, kusjuures loodud ametikohad olid enamasti tasustamata. Kokkuvõtteks võib öelda, et kirjeldatud vastastikuse kasu ootus suuresti realiseerus – aadel üldjuhul nõustus riigivõimu nõudmistega ning sai vastutasuks kujundada kohalikku haldust neile sobivas suunas. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5553406

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    Authors: Raudsepp, Ago;

    Can a country with a constant state of emergency in its capital – as was the case in Estonia in 1918–1934 – be considered a democracy? Or a country where political violence is used against members of a parliamentary committee during a committee meeting – as was the case in Finland in 1930? Why did the Estonian Social Democrats support the 1934 coup and why did the Finnish Swedes defend the Finnish Communists? Why could Estonia not find any allies except Latvia in the 1920s and 1930s, and why was Finland left without allies in the Winter War? Why did Estonia and Finland not behave in the same way in the autumn of 1939, and why did the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand declare war on Finland in 1941? The answers to these questions lie in the relationships between democracy and security, which is exactly the topic of my dissertation. Based on the works of different philosophers, it is possible to show that democracy and security are interdependent. The relationship between democracy and security can be reduced to the classic dilemmas between freedom and security, freedom and sovereignty, and sovereignty and security. Although it is not possible to solve these dilemmas definitively, the solution can be improved indefinitely. I argue that the way in which democratic societies resolve these dilemmas does not depend on democratic culture or on the wisdom inherent in people, but on the perceptions of the majorities of democratic societies, which in turn depend primarily on historical experience. The theoretical explanation proposed in my dissertation helps to understand why Estonia’s and Finland’s quests for security failed in 1918–1948 and why Estonia and Finland made different choices at the turning points of their history. The behaviour of Estonia’s leaders during the events of 1939 and 1940 also becomes understandable. Hopefully, my dissertation will contribute to a fair judgement of the activities of Konstantin Päts and Johan Laidoner, and to reconciling Estonian society on the question of whether they were heroes or villains. However, the most important aim is to contribute to an understanding of just how fragile democracy and security can be, how they depend on each other and, in particular, how they depend on historical experience. Kas saab pidada demokraatlikuks riiki, mille pealinnas kehtib pidev erakorraline seisukord – nagu oli Eesti aastatel 1918–1934? Või riiki, kus parlamendikomisjoni liikmete vastu kasutatakse poliitilist vägivalda komisjoni istungi toimumise ajal – nagu oli Soome aastal 1930? Miks Eesti sotsiaaldemokraadid toetasid 1934. aasta riigipööret ja miks soomerootslased kaitsesid Soome kommuniste? Miks ei õnnestunud 1920-ndate ja 1930-ndate Eestil leida ühtegi liitlast peale Läti ja miks jäi Soome talvesõjas ilma liitlasteta? Miks Eesti ja Soome 1939. aasta sügisel ühtemoodi ei käitunud ja miks Ühendkuningriik, Kanada, Austraalia ja Uus-Meremaa 1941. aastal Soomele sõja kuulutasid? Vastus peitub demokraatia ja julgeoleku vahelistes seostes, mida minu väitekiri uuribki. Erinevate filosoofide töödele tuginedes on võimalik näidata, et demokraatia ja julgeolek sõltuvad vastastikku üksteisest. Demokraatia ja julgeoleku vaheline seos on taandatav klassikalistele dilemmadele vabaduse ja julgeoleku, vabaduse ja suveräänsuse ja suveräänsuse ja julgeoleku vahel. Kuigi dilemmasid ei ole võimalik lõplikult lahendada, on lahendust võimalik lõputult täiustada. Ma väidan, et see, kuidas demokraatlikud ühiskonnad neid dilemmasid lahendavad, ei sõltu mitte demokraatlikust kultuurist või rahvale omasest tarkusest, vaid demokraatlike ühiskondade enamuste arusaamadest, mis omakorda sõltuvad eelkõige ajaloolisest kogemusest. Minu väitekirjas välja pakutud teoreetiline selgitus aitab mõista, miks Eesti ja Soome julgeolekuotsingud aastatel 1918–1948 läbi kukkusid ja miks Eesti ja Soome oma ajaloo pöördepunktides erinevaid valikuid tegid. Mõistetavaks muutub ka Eesti riigijuhtide käitumine 1939. ja 1940. aasta sündmuste ajal. Loodetavasti aitab minu väitekiri kaasa õiglase hinnangu andmisele Konstantin Pätsi ja Johan Laidoneri tegevusele ja Eesti ühiskonna lepitamisele küsimuses, kas tegemist oli kangelaste või kurjategijatega. Kõige tähtsam on siiski aidata kaasa mõistmisele, kuivõrd haprad võivad olla demokraatia ja julgeolek, kuidas nad vastastikku üksteisest sõltuvad ja eriti – kuidas nad sõltuvad ajaloolisest kogemusest. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5391015

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    Authors: Lindström, Kati;

    QC 20200415

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  • image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
    Authors: Tolonen, Mikko; Mäkelä, Eetu; Marjanen, Jani; Tahko, Tuuli;

    Peer reviewed

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    Authors: Tark, Triin;

    Siinne doktoritöö käsitleb rahvuskuuluvuse tähendust inimeste ja riigi vahelistes suhetes 20. sajandi esimesel poolel, kasutades näidisvalimina 1941. aastal Eestist Saksamaale ümber asunud inimeste andmeid. Uurimuse eesmärk on selgitada, kas ja kuidas riiklik rahvuspoliitika mõjutas inimeste käitumist ja vastupidi – mil määral mõjutasid inimeste valikud riikide tegevust. Valimisse hõlmatud inimestest suurem osa puutus uuritaval perioodil kokku nelja riigi – Venemaa keisririigi, Eesti Vabariigi, Nõukogude Liidu ja Saksamaa – rahvuspoliitikaga. Nende põhimõtteliselt erineva rahvuspoliitikaga riikide käsitlemine võimaldab tuvastada rahvuse ühiskondliku tähenduse universaalseid jooni. Eesmärgi täitmiseks analüüsiti inimeste eluloolisi andmeid, seadusandlust ja rahvuspoliitikat puudutavat dokumentatsiooni ning ühiskondlikke olusid puudutavaid allikaid. Doktoritööst selgus, et üksikisikute rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne määramine osutus 20. sajandi esimesel poolel keeruliseks nii riikide kui ka inimeste jaoks, sest puudusid selged kriteeriumid viimaste rahvuspõhiseks kategoriseerimiseks, ühtsed arusaamad rahvuste olemusest ning takistav tegur oli ka mõlema poole pragmaatiliste kaalutluste domineerimine rahvuse määramisel. Mida suurem oli rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne tähtsus, seda enam olid üksikisikute valikud tingitud olukorrast ning märksa vähem nende harjumuspärasest keele- ja kultuurikeskkonnast. Seetõttu ei õnnestunud riikidel peaaegu kunagi soovitud määral rakendada essentsialistlikke ja objektiivsusele pretendeerinud rahvuse määramise kriteeriume, isegi kui see oli eesmärk ja taolisi põhimõtteid seadustega kehtestada püüti. Samuti ei olnud riigid objektiivsuse rakendamisel põhimõttelised ja järjekindlad, vaid kohandasid seisukohti vastavalt pragmaatilistele huvidele ning inimeste käitumisele. Üksikisikute valikutel oli riiklikele poliitikatele märkimisväärne mõju, ehkki arvuliselt oli muutliku ja ebamäärase rahvuskuuluvusega inimesi ühiskonnas marginaalselt. This dissertation focuses on the meaning of ethnicity in the relations between individuals and states in the first half of the 20th century using the biographical data of people who resettled from Estonia to Germany in 1941 as a sample. The aim of this study is to explain whether and how ethnopolitics of the states influenced the behaviour of individuals and vice versa – to what extent individual choices influenced state policy. Most people in the sample were affected by the ethnopolitics of four states: Russian Empire, Estonian Republic, Soviet Union, and Germany. Analysing the states with fundamentally different ethnopolitics enables to identify universal characteristics of the role of ethnicity in the society. To fulfil the aim, biographical data, legislation, and documentation about ethnopolitics as well as sources about the social conditions were analysed. The dissertation shows that fixing individuals’ ethnicity turned out to be difficult for both parties – the states and individuals – since there were no clear criteria for ethnic categorisation and no common understanding about the nature of ethnicity. Pragmatic considerations of both parties also turned out to be an obstacle. The more formal importance ethnicity had, the more individuals made choices dependent on the situation and not so much on their customary lingual and cultural environment. Therefore, the states almost always failed to implement essentialist and objective criteria in fixing individuals’ ethnicity in a desired manner, even if such criteria were their aim and established by law. Furthermore, the authorities of the states were neither principled nor consistent in applying objective criteria. The states had to adapt their stances to their own pragmatic interests and according to the behaviour of individuals instead. Thus, individual choices had a remarkable impact on ethnopolitics, although people with dynamic and vague ethnic identity formed a marginal group in the society. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5450809

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    Authors: Tammisto, Ilmar;

    Anyone that has studied Estonian history has at least some sort of a perception of both the Baltic German nobility and the time period when the territory of modern-day Estonia was a part of the Swedish empire. The expression “good old Swedish time” is well known to most Estonians, even if one is not entirely certain of what is meant by the expression. Similarly, the stereotype of a cruel and greedy landlord who only seeks personal gain is a familiar one. The goal of my dissertation was to offer additional interpretations about the aspirations and attitudes of the Swedish state authorities and the Baltic German nobility. I focused on Swedish Livland (an administrative unit on the territory of modern-day Southern-Estonia and Northern-Latvia) in the years 1634 to 1680. During this time there was a significant increase in the influence of the Livonian nobility and a network of institutions run by the local nobility developed in Livland, which in many respects formed a parallel governance structure to that of the state. Among other things, I wanted to find out why the Swedish state authorities allowed these developments to occur and what was the Livonian nobility trying to achieve with the help of their strengthened position. I reached the conclusion that the aforementioned developments were largely influenced by the expectation of mutual benefits. Swedish state authorities hoped that in return for certain favours, they could acquire additional resources from the Livonian nobility and affirm their allegiance to the Swedish crown. It became evident that besides collecting taxes and protecting the province, the state had very limited capacities to deal with other issues. Although there were problems with public violence, conditions of roads and bridges, efficiency of the courts and many other issues, the representatives of the state showed little initiative to deal with them. Here, the local nobility stepped in. In return for giving up resources, the Livonian nobility sought the permission of the state to deal with the issues troubling the land. For this end, proposals were made to state officials for the issuing of regulations and the founding of new institutions, the offices of which were in most cases without any kind of remuneration. To conclude, it can be said that the expectation of mutual benefits was largely met for both sides – the nobility generally acceded to the demands of the state and in return had the opportunity to influence local governance in a way that was suitable to them. Igaühel, kes on õppinud Eesti ajalugu, on vähemalt mingisugune ettekujutus nii baltisaksa aadlist kui ka ajast, mil tänapäevase Eesti territoorium kuulus Rootsi riigi koosseisu. Väljend „vana hea Rootsi aeg“ on enamikele tuttav, isegi kui ei olda päris kindlad, et milles siis ikkagi see Rootsi aja headus seisnes. Samamoodi kangastub hõlpsasti kujutelm julmast ja ahnest mõisnikust, kes üksnes enda kitsaste erahuvide eest seisis. Seadsin enda doktoritöös eesmärgiks pakkuda täiendavaid tõlgendusi Rootsi riigivõimu ja baltisaksa aadli püüdlustele ja hoiakutele. Keskendusin Rootsi riigi koosseisu kuulunud Liivimaale (tänapäevase Lõuna-Eesti ja Põhja-Läti aladel asunud haldusüksus) aastatel 1634—1680. Kõnealusel ajavahemikul kasvas Liivimaal märgatavalt kohaliku aadli mõjuvõim ning kujunes välja aadli hallatud institutsioonide võrgustik, mis moodustas mitmes mõttes paralleelse haldusstruktuuri riikliku oma kõrval. Soovisin töös muu hulgas teada saada, miks lasi Rootsi riigivõim sellisel olukorral tekkida ning mida üritasid Liivimaa aadlikud tugevnenud positsiooni abil saavutada. Jõudsin järeldusele, et kirjeldatud arenguid tõukas suuresti tagant vastastikuse kasu ootus. Rootsi riigivõim lootis Liivimaa aadlile järeleandmisi tehes hankida neilt vastutasuks täiendavaid ressursse ning kindlustada kohaliku aadli lojaalsus Rootsi riigi ees. Töös ilmnes, et peale maksude kogumise ja Liivimaa kaitsmise jagus riigivõimul vähe võimekust muude teemadega tegelemiseks. Olgugi et probleeme oli maal lokkava vägivalla, teede seisukorra, kohtute efektiivsuse ja palju muuga, näitasid riigivõimu esindajad üles vähest initsiatiivi nendega tegelemiseks. Siin astus mängu kohalik aadel, kes soovis vastutasuks ressursside loovutamise eest riigivõimu luba maad vaevanud probleeme lahendada. Selleks tehti riigivõimule ettepanekuid kõikvõimalike korralduste väljaandmiseks ning uute institutsioonide asutamiseks, kusjuures loodud ametikohad olid enamasti tasustamata. Kokkuvõtteks võib öelda, et kirjeldatud vastastikuse kasu ootus suuresti realiseerus – aadel üldjuhul nõustus riigivõimu nõudmistega ning sai vastutasuks kujundada kohalikku haldust neile sobivas suunas. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5553406

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    Authors: Raudsepp, Ago;

    Can a country with a constant state of emergency in its capital – as was the case in Estonia in 1918–1934 – be considered a democracy? Or a country where political violence is used against members of a parliamentary committee during a committee meeting – as was the case in Finland in 1930? Why did the Estonian Social Democrats support the 1934 coup and why did the Finnish Swedes defend the Finnish Communists? Why could Estonia not find any allies except Latvia in the 1920s and 1930s, and why was Finland left without allies in the Winter War? Why did Estonia and Finland not behave in the same way in the autumn of 1939, and why did the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand declare war on Finland in 1941? The answers to these questions lie in the relationships between democracy and security, which is exactly the topic of my dissertation. Based on the works of different philosophers, it is possible to show that democracy and security are interdependent. The relationship between democracy and security can be reduced to the classic dilemmas between freedom and security, freedom and sovereignty, and sovereignty and security. Although it is not possible to solve these dilemmas definitively, the solution can be improved indefinitely. I argue that the way in which democratic societies resolve these dilemmas does not depend on democratic culture or on the wisdom inherent in people, but on the perceptions of the majorities of democratic societies, which in turn depend primarily on historical experience. The theoretical explanation proposed in my dissertation helps to understand why Estonia’s and Finland’s quests for security failed in 1918–1948 and why Estonia and Finland made different choices at the turning points of their history. The behaviour of Estonia’s leaders during the events of 1939 and 1940 also becomes understandable. Hopefully, my dissertation will contribute to a fair judgement of the activities of Konstantin Päts and Johan Laidoner, and to reconciling Estonian society on the question of whether they were heroes or villains. However, the most important aim is to contribute to an understanding of just how fragile democracy and security can be, how they depend on each other and, in particular, how they depend on historical experience. Kas saab pidada demokraatlikuks riiki, mille pealinnas kehtib pidev erakorraline seisukord – nagu oli Eesti aastatel 1918–1934? Või riiki, kus parlamendikomisjoni liikmete vastu kasutatakse poliitilist vägivalda komisjoni istungi toimumise ajal – nagu oli Soome aastal 1930? Miks Eesti sotsiaaldemokraadid toetasid 1934. aasta riigipööret ja miks soomerootslased kaitsesid Soome kommuniste? Miks ei õnnestunud 1920-ndate ja 1930-ndate Eestil leida ühtegi liitlast peale Läti ja miks jäi Soome talvesõjas ilma liitlasteta? Miks Eesti ja Soome 1939. aasta sügisel ühtemoodi ei käitunud ja miks Ühendkuningriik, Kanada, Austraalia ja Uus-Meremaa 1941. aastal Soomele sõja kuulutasid? Vastus peitub demokraatia ja julgeoleku vahelistes seostes, mida minu väitekiri uuribki. Erinevate filosoofide töödele tuginedes on võimalik näidata, et demokraatia ja julgeolek sõltuvad vastastikku üksteisest. Demokraatia ja julgeoleku vaheline seos on taandatav klassikalistele dilemmadele vabaduse ja julgeoleku, vabaduse ja suveräänsuse ja suveräänsuse ja julgeoleku vahel. Kuigi dilemmasid ei ole võimalik lõplikult lahendada, on lahendust võimalik lõputult täiustada. Ma väidan, et see, kuidas demokraatlikud ühiskonnad neid dilemmasid lahendavad, ei sõltu mitte demokraatlikust kultuurist või rahvale omasest tarkusest, vaid demokraatlike ühiskondade enamuste arusaamadest, mis omakorda sõltuvad eelkõige ajaloolisest kogemusest. Minu väitekirjas välja pakutud teoreetiline selgitus aitab mõista, miks Eesti ja Soome julgeolekuotsingud aastatel 1918–1948 läbi kukkusid ja miks Eesti ja Soome oma ajaloo pöördepunktides erinevaid valikuid tegid. Mõistetavaks muutub ka Eesti riigijuhtide käitumine 1939. ja 1940. aasta sündmuste ajal. Loodetavasti aitab minu väitekiri kaasa õiglase hinnangu andmisele Konstantin Pätsi ja Johan Laidoneri tegevusele ja Eesti ühiskonna lepitamisele küsimuses, kas tegemist oli kangelaste või kurjategijatega. Kõige tähtsam on siiski aidata kaasa mõistmisele, kuivõrd haprad võivad olla demokraatia ja julgeolek, kuidas nad vastastikku üksteisest sõltuvad ja eriti – kuidas nad sõltuvad ajaloolisest kogemusest. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5391015

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    Authors: Lindström, Kati;

    QC 20200415

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