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ravel accounts were a popular kind of literature among European readers. They had an entertaining, educating and practical function. Travelogues created images for the described countries and nations and, by circulating and translating them, ensured geographically wide spread and persistence in time.The article is aimed at analysing Estonians’ image in the travelogues published in Europe in the 18th and the first half of the 19th centuries. The majority of European travelogues including descriptions of the Baltic provinces of that period were published as a result of expeditions to Russia, mainly St. Petersburg. The Baltic provinces were hardly ever the autonomous destination of travels. Fourty-two travelogues by European authors including descriptions of Estonian territories were considered. Twenty of these issues completely missed descriptions of indigenous Estonian people; so only twenty-two travelogues were taken under investigation. Imagological method was used to analyse Estonians’ image in these literary works.The descriptions of Estonians dating from the 18th and the first half of the 19th centuries bear the imprint of the Enlightenment era.The image of Estonians introduces them as people with limited mental abilities, living in poor conditions due to long-lasting oppression, and prone to vices such as laziness and excessive drinking. By their appearance, Estonians were described as ugly or even savage. Often, they were depicted as slaves who were treated like animals, with no personal willpower. As positive traits, the nation’s poetic mind, beautiful language and noble character originating from the ancient ‘golden’ era have been mentioned.The abolishing of serfdom in Estonia in 1816 and in Livonia in 1819 brought about an essential positive change in Estonians’ image. Similar to earlier times, the travelogues of the second quarter of the 19th century maintained descriptions of indigenous people’s wretched living conditions and sympathetic attitude towards peasants; yet, these were accompanied by discussions about how sensible it was to abolish serfdom, as well as its results and perspectives. Formally, Estonians had been set free; yet, in reality they were not able, willing or capable of realising their freedom. The change was clearly noticeable as compared to the image of a slave prevailing in the 18th century: instead of former hopelessness, positive development became possible.

The focus of the article is on the cultural adaptation of the Estonian community that left Estonia during World War II and found refuge in Sweden. The important starting point of the article is an interview with a former journalist (born 1937), who settled with her family in Kristinehamn (South Sweden) in the year 1947 and moved to Stockholm later on. The interview took place in 2004 and concentrated on the most important and meaningful days and times in Swedish as well as Estonian folk calendar. In Sweden, the beginning of the Christmas period is calculated from St Lucia’s Day (December 13), yet in the 20th century Estonia, this day had only a marginal meaning. By the middle of the 20th century, it was already a tradition in Sweden to choose a blond Lucia-maiden and have ceremonial processions as an introduction into the Christmas time. In Finland and Norway this tradition was a way to preserve the feeling of national belonging for the local Swedish population. The interviewee, who went to a Swedish school at the age of ten, remembered that she was impressed by the special role of the Lucia-maiden, yet the adult Estonian population consciously ignored the “foreign culture”. In Estonia as well as in Sweden, the friendly dwarfs were not yet a part of Christmas traditions in the mid-20th century. In Sweden, tomte, who was known as the protecting spirit of home in the older peasant culture, took over this role in the course of the growing urbanisation. Tomte lost its previous position in folk belief, got a red hat and became a member of the Lucia-procession. The attempt to preserve the old identity could be observed in the Christmas time room design, the decorating of the Christmas tree, etc. Taking over the traditions of the new homeland was perceived as surrender to the other culture. In the Lutheran Sweden as well as in Estonia, going to church was an established tradition. The Swedish Estonians also gathered in St Jacob’s Church in Stockholm with the wish to perceive the feeling of togetherness; yet, for homeland Estonians going to the church was rather an act of protest against Soviet ideology. Also, sending Christmas cards helped to preserve the feeling of keeping in touch and belonging. If we compare the Christmas traditions of the Swedish Estonians to those of the deportees and those in the Estonian villages in Siberia, which were established already in older times, we come to the conclusion that the topic of identity should deserve much more attention than it has been the case so far.

This article is primarily focused on the Estonians and how they have preserved their culture while living in both their home land and in foreign communities abroad. Estonian folklore is at the heart of Estonian culture. In the 20th century, it was used to maintain a sense of identity. One of the most powerful symbols of self-expression in Estonian history was folk songs and dance festivals. Particularly impressive, maintaining the folk tradition, are the National Song and Dance festivals, held both in Estonia and by Estonians living abroad. The early 20th century decades created the traditional culture that has been built upon over the years to result in what is today’s folk dance tradition. Even after the destruction of World War II, the people of Estonia, both geographically and living abroad remained a coherent whole, ensuring the continuity of the Estonian folk culture. Many dimensions and representations of the folk tradition are evidenced in the majorfestivals conducted in both Estonia and abroad.

Richard Viidalepp (Widebaum before Estonianising his name, and later Viidebaum; Jan. 23, 1904 - June 3, 1986), the famous Estonian folklorist, was born in the Jalapuu farm in the village of Nurmsi in Central Estonia. The same farm was the home of Urve Buschmann, the author of the article and R. Viidalepp's niece. On the basis of the 1722 list of inhabitants in the Särgavere estate and the registers of the Järva Peetri congregation, the documented genealogy of Viidalepp's family starts with Jüri Jalapuu and his wife Els (?1730-?1761). In more recent registers their son Jüri (?1771-1843) already appears under the name Widebaum. The family was a typical Estonian family, including farmers, handicraftsmen, inventive technicians, later also intellectuals and artists. Some emigrated (the Finnish and American branches of the Viidebaums) and some were deported to Siberia. The fate of family members and descriptions of family history are illustrated by Richard Viidalepp's letters and family photographs. The last Viidalepps born in the Jalapuu farm moved to Tallinn in 1950.

The aim of the current research is to provide an overview of the trends in the park of agricultural machinery in Estonia during the period 2010–2018. For this purpose, data obtained from the registers of Agriculture and Transport of Statistics Estonia have been used. The article outlines, firstly, changes in the number of agricultural holdings by the size of arable land and growing area of grain, secondly, changes in the number of tractors and grain harvesters, including the number of new tractors and harvesters sold over the years, thirdly, the preferences of holdings for tractors and grain harvesters, and fourthly, the categorization of new tractors and grain harvesters by the manufacturing company in the given time period. What is more, developments concomitant with trends in the park of agricultural machinery have been described.

Prindieelne fail

The authors present a structure of cult points in Prague which was used during the Early Middle Ages and till the 12th century partially destroyed as well as partly substituted during some churches. The structure was composed on the basis of astronomical and ritual principles. The former present a sun calendar, where the St.George’s feast day (23th April, one month after the spring equinox) denotes the beginning of the year. The latter principles led the authors to determine the use of a ritual angle, ritual measuring units and their multiples. The entire structure is thus also a well planned ideogram. It’s ideological core is the age-old belief in three fundamental forces of nature (heaven-sun-fire, earth, water), which humans help tomaintain in balance by carrying out a series of ceremonial deeds. Constructing the landscape ideograms is one of them. The right time of ritual deed is of extreme importance. To match the time the elementary knowledge of astronomy was needed.