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Training high school teachers in post-war Tartu State University After World War II the heavy sovietisation of Estonian education began. The key persons of this process were undoubtedly teachers, preferably those who had arrived from the Soviet Union (especially Estonians from Russia) or young people taught in Estonia in the spirit of new educational ideas. A great shift took place in the Estonian teacher community at that time. Altogether 4,176 teachers are known to have been fired, dismissed at their own request or transferred to another position during the period of 1946–1950. The only counterbalance was preparing new teachers locally. In the post-war years, high school teachers were trained only at Tartu State University, which was exceptional in the Soviet Union because elsewhere it was mainly done in pedagogical institutes. The article studies the substantial and formal changes in the sovietisation of teacher training that were realised through complying with union-wide regulations and pedagogical trends. Similarities and differences are also outlined. Secondly, the process of making teacher training obligatory at Tartu State University and its importance in providing Estonian schools with local staff is explored. Thirdly, the article attempts to disclose the role and activity of various people related to pedagogy at the time in this process. The study is mainly based on new and practically unused archive sources related to the history of the University of Tartu. During the era of Stalinism, teacher training became obligatory for everyone in the University of Tartu faculties that taught subjects also covered by general education schools. In the 1940s there were few university graduates, incl. teachers, but since the spring of 1950 the number of people who were appointed as teachers from Tartu State University increased significantly. The establishment of the Tallinn Pedagogical Institute in 1952 added a second educational institution in Estonia that trained high school teachers and helped provide the schools with local staff. It was mainly the service of the chairs of pedagogy that teacher training persisted at the University of Tartu. However, it was the service of the specialisation chairs that teachers received an education, which was, to a great extent, in the spirit of the traditions of the independence era. Therefore, the compulsory teacher training of the university contributed much to educating university graduate, Estonian-minded, Estonian and Russian speaking teachers for Estonian schools to counter the Russian-minded and Russian speaking teachers who were appointed to Estonia from elsewhere. Tartu Ülikooli ajaloo küsimusi, No 44 (2016): Rahvusülikooli omad ja võõrad

The authors present a structure of cult points in Prague which was used during the Early Middle Ages and till the 12th century partially destroyed as well as partly substituted during some churches. The structure was composed on the basis of astronomical and ritual principles. The former present a sun calendar, where the St.George’s feast day (23th April, one month after the spring equinox) denotes the beginning of the year. The latter principles led the authors to determine the use of a ritual angle, ritual measuring units and their multiples. The entire structure is thus also a well planned ideogram. It’s ideological core is the age-old belief in three fundamental forces of nature (heaven-sun-fire, earth, water), which humans help tomaintain in balance by carrying out a series of ceremonial deeds. Constructing the landscape ideograms is one of them. The right time of ritual deed is of extreme importance. To match the time the elementary knowledge of astronomy was needed.

According to Recke and Napiersky, the first poems in Estonian from the pen of a woman were allegedly published in 1779, in the sheet music book Oden und Lieder in Musik gesetzt by Andeas Traugott Grahl, a private tutor in the Governorate of Estonia, but unfortunately it is not preserved. More luckily another sheet music book by him, Lieder und Handsachen für das Klavier und den Gesang, published in Leipzig in 1784, was available to the researchers before World War II. Two poems by Estonian ladies were published there: Tio, tassane ja helde and Liesole. A variant of the Tio-poem (the so-called Rosi-poem) was published in 1787 in the 5th volume of the reader Lesebuch für Ehst- und Livland by Friedrich Gotthilf Findeisen in Oberpahlen (Põltsamaa) in Livonia, and a year later, in 1788, in a longer version in the German literary magazine Der Teutsche Merkur. To the latter, the poem was mediated by Christian Hieronymus Justus Schlegel, a private tutor in Estonia from 1780 to 1782, and then pastor, who left Estonia in 1783. However, he did not ascribe the Rosi-poem to an Estonian lady, but to a gentleman, von Tiesenhausen of Saus, who wrote the poem on the occasion of the passing of his wife. There are several manors called Saus or Sauß in Estonia. Traditionally the Rosi-poem has been ascribed to Ber(e)nd Heinrich von Tiesenhausen of Groß-Sauß (Sausti or Kaarepere). But there was another manor called Sauß (Sauste) near Wesenberg (Rakvere), which belonged to captain Hans Wen(t)zel(l) von Tiesenhausen from 1779 to 1781. Based on several sources, this paper brings forth arguments to support the thesis that the gentleman, von Tiesenhausen, mentioned by Schlegel was actually Hans Wenzel von Tiesenhausen. This man was probably also identical with the captain von Tiesenhausen, whom Grahl has named as his employer in the subscription call of the Lieder und Handsachen. According to Professor Gustav Suits, Grahl acted as a private tutor somewhere near Wesenberg. The paper also suggests that H. W. von Tiesenhausen was the author of the poem Der Client an seinen Sachwalter, published in the muses almanac Estländische poetische Blumenlese for 1780. Earlier this poem has been ascribed to Johann Georg von Tiesenhausen from Northern Latvia. Dirk Sangmeister has guessed that the Albrechts who published the almanac mentioned the name Wesenberg on the cover of the first issue of their periodical (for 1779) in honour of the owner of the Wesenberg manor, judge Jakob Johann von Tiesenhausen and his family, with whom Sangmeister believes the Albrechts stood in a cordial relationship as Sophie Albrecht dedicated several poems to a certain Ottilie von Tiesenhausen. The last one lets us know that on the 9th of June 1781, the news of the death of her beloved friend had reached Sophie Albrecht. The date 9th of June 1781 (due to calendar differences actually 11 days later) can also be found in the archival materials concerning H. W. von Tiesenhausen – on this day his bankruptcy proceedings were started. Already in January 1781 he had sold Sauß; in March 1781 his other manor – Tuddo (Tudu) – was sold too; these are likely the two manors mentioned in his German poem. The bankruptcy proceedings were evoked by a lawsuit, initiated in March 1780 by J. J. von Tiesenhausen, who from 1774 to 1780 rented his Wesenberg manor to his second cousin Hans Wenzel. From 1779 the latter had difficulties in paying the rent. As at the time of the publication of Estländische poetische Blumenlese it was H. W. von Tiesenhausen who was living in the manor of Wesenberg, the recipient of the poems by Sophie Albrecht was very likely his wife. Neither the given nor the maiden name of this woman or her birth date and the exact death date are preserved. H. W. von Tiesenhausen mentions his wife without her name in his report to the court, Demüthigste Anzeige und Unterlegung der wahren Umstände meines gegenwärtigen unglücklichen und betrübten Schicksaals (The humblest report and interpretation of the true circumstances of my current unhappy and sad fate), signed 26 June 1781. It appears that his wife really died shortly before the composing of the report. Frau Capitainin Tiesenhausen has also been mentioned three times in the birth register of the Wesenberg church in 1777 as a godparent, one of the cases being as godmother of a girl, whose mother was the sister of G. W. von Schwengelm, the employer of mister Schlegel, who mediated the Rosi-poem to the Teutsche Merkur! The paper also presumes that the ladies mentioned by Grahl could have been translators and guesses who these women were, but as we lack confirmed proof, the investigation must continue.

A political anecdote is first all, a popular and not a scientific concept. It is a forbidden story told only to those you trusted, who thought like the speaker did. This phenomenon characterises primarily a society of repression where people have no opportunities to express their dissatisfaction in a legal way.Political subject is just as often found in conundrums as in anecdotes. For some subjects, it even seems that the conundrum expresses attitudes and opinions more colourfully and precisely than the anecdote. An old-fashioned anecdote, the longer style of delivery of which has been forgotten over time, may sometimes take on the form of a conundrum. The so-called introduction falls away and the colourful punch line of the anecdote is used in the new conundrum.Political background may occur in anecdotes about persons, ethinics or animals.Political anecdotes and conundrums can be divided into three groups:1. Anecdotes and conundrums about statesmen. Typical subjects are a visit, competition or outdoing each other;2. Anecdotes which poke fun at the socialist or communist system, but in which specific statesmen are not mentioned;3. Anecdotes about life conditions, in which situations created by the crumbling system are described. Most of the information used in this article originates from the collections of the Estonian Folklore Archive, especially from the collection of materials handed in during the children's competition of school traditions in 1992.In the first part of the series of articles, an overview of political anecdotes at the time of the Estonian Republic (1920-1939).

ravel accounts were a popular kind of literature among European readers. They had an entertaining, educating and practical function. Travelogues created images for the described countries and nations and, by circulating and translating them, ensured geographically wide spread and persistence in time.The article is aimed at analysing Estonians’ image in the travelogues published in Europe in the 18th and the first half of the 19th centuries. The majority of European travelogues including descriptions of the Baltic provinces of that period were published as a result of expeditions to Russia, mainly St. Petersburg. The Baltic provinces were hardly ever the autonomous destination of travels. Fourty-two travelogues by European authors including descriptions of Estonian territories were considered. Twenty of these issues completely missed descriptions of indigenous Estonian people; so only twenty-two travelogues were taken under investigation. Imagological method was used to analyse Estonians’ image in these literary works.The descriptions of Estonians dating from the 18th and the first half of the 19th centuries bear the imprint of the Enlightenment era.The image of Estonians introduces them as people with limited mental abilities, living in poor conditions due to long-lasting oppression, and prone to vices such as laziness and excessive drinking. By their appearance, Estonians were described as ugly or even savage. Often, they were depicted as slaves who were treated like animals, with no personal willpower. As positive traits, the nation’s poetic mind, beautiful language and noble character originating from the ancient ‘golden’ era have been mentioned.The abolishing of serfdom in Estonia in 1816 and in Livonia in 1819 brought about an essential positive change in Estonians’ image. Similar to earlier times, the travelogues of the second quarter of the 19th century maintained descriptions of indigenous people’s wretched living conditions and sympathetic attitude towards peasants; yet, these were accompanied by discussions about how sensible it was to abolish serfdom, as well as its results and perspectives. Formally, Estonians had been set free; yet, in reality they were not able, willing or capable of realising their freedom. The change was clearly noticeable as compared to the image of a slave prevailing in the 18th century: instead of former hopelessness, positive development became possible.

Article Saabunud / Received 08.04.2019 ; Aktsepteeritud / Accepted 06.06.2019 ; Avaldatud veebis / Published online 12.06.2019 ; Vastutav autor / Corresponding author: Jüri Olt e-mail: jyri.olt@emu.ee The aim of the current research is to provide an overview of the trends in the park of agricultural machinery in Estonia during the period 2010–2018. For this purpose, data obtained from the registers of Agriculture and Transport of Statistics Estonia have been used. The article outlines, firstly, changes in the number of agricultural holdings by the size of arable land and growing area of grain, secondly, changes in the number of tractors and grain harvesters, including the number of new tractors and harvesters sold over the years, thirdly, the preferences of holdings for tractors and grain harvesters, and fourthly, the categorization of new tractors and grain harvesters by the manufacturing company in the given time period. What is more, developments concomitant with trends in the park of agricultural machinery have been described.

The focus of the article is on the cultural adaptation of the Estonian community that left Estonia during World War II and found refuge in Sweden. The important starting point of the article is an interview with a former journalist (born 1937), who settled with her family in Kristinehamn (South Sweden) in the year 1947 and moved to Stockholm later on. The interview took place in 2004 and concentrated on the most important and meaningful days and times in Swedish as well as Estonian folk calendar. In Sweden, the beginning of the Christmas period is calculated from St Lucia’s Day (December 13), yet in the 20th century Estonia, this day had only a marginal meaning. By the middle of the 20th century, it was already a tradition in Sweden to choose a blond Lucia-maiden and have ceremonial processions as an introduction into the Christmas time. In Finland and Norway this tradition was a way to preserve the feeling of national belonging for the local Swedish population. The interviewee, who went to a Swedish school at the age of ten, remembered that she was impressed by the special role of the Lucia-maiden, yet the adult Estonian population consciously ignored the “foreign culture”. In Estonia as well as in Sweden, the friendly dwarfs were not yet a part of Christmas traditions in the mid-20th century. In Sweden, tomte, who was known as the protecting spirit of home in the older peasant culture, took over this role in the course of the growing urbanisation. Tomte lost its previous position in folk belief, got a red hat and became a member of the Lucia-procession. The attempt to preserve the old identity could be observed in the Christmas time room design, the decorating of the Christmas tree, etc. Taking over the traditions of the new homeland was perceived as surrender to the other culture. In the Lutheran Sweden as well as in Estonia, going to church was an established tradition. The Swedish Estonians also gathered in St Jacob’s Church in Stockholm with the wish to perceive the feeling of togetherness; yet, for homeland Estonians going to the church was rather an act of protest against Soviet ideology. Also, sending Christmas cards helped to preserve the feeling of keeping in touch and belonging. If we compare the Christmas traditions of the Swedish Estonians to those of the deportees and those in the Estonian villages in Siberia, which were established already in older times, we come to the conclusion that the topic of identity should deserve much more attention than it has been the case so far.

This article is primarily focused on the Estonians and how they have preserved their culture while living in both their home land and in foreign communities abroad. Estonian folklore is at the heart of Estonian culture. In the 20th century, it was used to maintain a sense of identity. One of the most powerful symbols of self-expression in Estonian history was folk songs and dance festivals. Particularly impressive, maintaining the folk tradition, are the National Song and Dance festivals, held both in Estonia and by Estonians living abroad. The early 20th century decades created the traditional culture that has been built upon over the years to result in what is today’s folk dance tradition. Even after the destruction of World War II, the people of Estonia, both geographically and living abroad remained a coherent whole, ensuring the continuity of the Estonian folk culture. Many dimensions and representations of the folk tradition are evidenced in the majorfestivals conducted in both Estonia and abroad.

The Folklore Process. The theoretical article by L. Honko follows the changing of the notion "folklore". A thorough change have undergone attitude towards the informant, creator, needer and performer of traditions. Instead of people, there are social groups that can be defined by their social status, profession, ethnical background, religion, place of living and whatever other criteria and what makes it possible to speak about a circle of members. L. Honko treats the basic new definitions of folklore and divides the folklore process into 22 stages, the 12 first of which are part of folklore's "first life" or take place on the basis of those criteria being filled, the rest 10 stages are folklore's "second life«.