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  • image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
    Nekoliak, Andrii;

    Doktoritöö vaatleb mälupoliitika arenguid Poolas ja Ukrainas alates 1989./1990. aasta demokraatlikest siiretest, seda eeskätt läbi seadusandliku prisma. Neid kahte juhtumit võib käsitleda esinduslikena mälupoliitiliste debattide intensiivsuse osas regioonis ning doktoritöö seadiski eesmärgiks selgitada „mäluseaduste“ arengu üldisi mustreid ning selgitada lähemalt nn karistusõiguslikul tasemel vastu võetud seadusandlike aktide spetsiifilisi protsesse Poola ja Ukraina parlamentides. Dissertatsioonis uurisin süstemaatiliselt kahe juhtumiriigi ühismälu reguleerimise protsessiga seonduvaid poliitilisi arenguid. Doktoritööga panustan teadusala arengusse kolmel viisil. Kontseptuaalsel tasandil eristab väitekiri ühismälu reguleerimise valdkonna üleminekuõigluse poliitikatest. Käsitlesin kriitiliselt „mäluseadusi“ kontseptualiseerivaid töid näitamaks, kuidas kontseptuaalset kategooriat saab kasutada kollektiivse mälu reguleerimise mustrite analüüsimisel. Iseäranis olulisena uuendasin Eric Heinze tööst lähtudes mäluseaduste kontseptualiseerimist, suhestades selle omakorda teiste temaatiliste käsitlustega. Empiiriliselt toetub doktoritöö kahe juhtumiriigi parlamentides vastu võetud mälupoliitikaga seotud aktide ammendavale ja süstemaatilisele uurimisele. Doktoritöö analüüs põhines unikaalsel, maksimaalselt ammendaval seadusandlike aktide kogumil, mis koosnes vastavalt 447 Ukraina ning 719 Poola parlamendi alamkojas ning Senatis vastu võetud aktist. Analüütiliselt selgitab väitekiri erinevuste põhjuseid mälu ja mäletamist reguleeriva seadusloome komposiitmustrites Poolas ja Ukrainas (uurimus 1) ning karistusõiguslikul tasemel vastu võetud seadusandlike aktidega seotud spetsiifilisi protsesse (uurimus 2). Kahe uurimuse kaasamine väitekirja tulenes soovist illustreerida „mäluseaduse“ kontseptsiooni operatsionaliseerimise võimalusi juhtumiriikide mälupoliitiliste protsesside empiirilisel uurimisel. Uurimus 1 formuleeris kaks hüpoteesi parlamenditaseme mäluprotsesside regulatsiooni ajastuse kohta. Doktoritöö empiiriline analüüs vaidlustas olemasolevaid teoreetilisi vaatenurki, mille kohaselt peaksid mälupoliitilised protsessid algama varakult pärast siirdeprotsessi toimumist (üleminekuõigluse hüpotees). Selle asemel leidis uurimuses 1 toetust teine hüpotees (mälupoliitika hüpotees), mida tutvutatakse väitekirja sissejuhatuses. Uurimus 1 argumenteeris, et mälupoliitilise võimuvõitluse struktuur rahvusparlamentides tõi kaasa mäluseaduste profiilide hilisema intensiivistumise nii Poolas kui Ukrainas. Uurimus 2 keskendus Poola ja Ukraina parlamentides karistusõigluslikul tasemel vastu võetud seadusandlike aktide esilekerkimise protsessi analüüsile. Keskseks küsimuseks oli, miks erinesid Poolas ja Ukrainas teatud mälu- või ajaloopoliitilisi seisukohtade avaldamist keelustavad seadused oma karistusliku iseloomu poolest? Kuigi mõlemas riigis keelustati teatud riigi minevikku puudutavatest teemadest rääkimine, erines vastavates seadustes oluliselt karistuslike meetmete ulatus. Uurimus 2 leidsin, et Poola Seimis ja Ukraina Ülemraadas välja kujunenud lähenemine rahvuslikule ajalookirjutusele ennustas variatiivsust karistuslikes meetmetes ajaloost kõnelemist puudutavas seadusandluses. The dissertation investigates the politics of memory laws in Poland and Ukraine since the democratizing moments of 1989/1990. Considering two cases emblematic of the intensity of the politics of memory in the region, the thesis aimed to explain the overall patterns of memory legislation evolution and explicate the specific processes of punitive memory law-making in the parliaments of Poland and Ukraine. It systematically investigated the political dynamics behind collective memory regulation in two country-cases. I contribute to the state of the field in three ways. On a conceptual level, the thesis distinguishes the domain of collective memory regulation from transitional justice politics. It critically revisited the works over the concept of ‘memory law’ in order to show how this conceptual category can be used to analyze the patterns of collective memory regulation. In particular, I introduced a novelty with regard to the conceptualization of memory law originally formulated by Eric Heinze against the backdrop of other works in the field. Empirically, the dissertation provided an exhaustive and systematic investigation of commemorative lawmaking in the parliaments of two country-cases. The dissertation advanced its analysis based on a unique set of legislation consisting of 447 and 719 parliamentary acts issued by Ukrainian and Polish legislatures, respectively. Analytically, the dissertation explicated the reasons behind the patterns of collective memory regulation (Study 1) and the specific processes of the emergence of punitive memory laws (Study 2) in Poland and Ukraine. The rationale for dividing the dissertation into Study 1 and Study 2 was to illustrate the potential of operationalizing the concept of memory law into the empirical investigation of the politics of memory of country-cases. Study 1 examined the patterns of commemorative lawmaking in the parliaments of Poland and Ukraine, asking why there was a variation in intensity and propensity of commemorative lawmaking occurring in the politics of Polish Sejm and Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada. Study 1 formulated two hypotheses regarding the politics of memorialisation. It set an aim to verify these hypotheses through an empirical investigation of the politics of memory laws in two countries. Furthermore, Study 2 engaged in process analysis of the emergence of punitive memory laws in the national parliaments of Poland and Ukraine. It asked why there was a variation in criminal punishment functions between Polish and Ukrainian laws on historical denialism. While each country-case outlawed certain instances of historical speech over the national past, the severity of prohibitions found in the relevant laws was different. As an analytical added value of the investigation, Study 2 argued that the types of orientation towards national historiographies taken in the politics of the Sejm and the Verkhovna Rada predicted the variation in the formulation of punitive provisions between Polish and Ukrainian laws on historical speech. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5507839

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    Gaygysyz Ashyrov; Helen Poltimäe;

    Energy efficiency is an important issue for developing countries like Vietnam, where the economy is thriving, but energy efficiency is still low. Firms should invest in energy efficiency measures, but the desired level is not reached. While the economic determinants of firms’ investments in energy efficiency have been researched, the role of the institutional setting has not gained so much attention. By employing data from Vietnamese small and medium-sized enterprises that has been administered in 2015, this article investigates how corruption, as a sign of institutional dysfunctionality, is associated with the energy efficiency in firms. Results of a bivariate binary probit estimation revealed that bribery increases the likelihood of energy efficiency environmentally friendly investments. However, findings from instrumental variable two stage least squares estimations demonstrate that bribery increases the cost of the investments. Hence, in the long run, corruption might have a deterring effect on energy efficiency investments by firms.

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    image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
    SSRN Electronic Journal
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    License: cc-by-nc-nd
    Data sources: UnpayWall
    SSRN Electronic Journal
    Article . 2022
    Data sources: Crossref
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    Karilaid, Marko;
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    Triin Tark;

    Siinne doktoritöö käsitleb rahvuskuuluvuse tähendust inimeste ja riigi vahelistes suhetes 20. sajandi esimesel poolel, kasutades näidisvalimina 1941. aastal Eestist Saksamaale ümber asunud inimeste andmeid. Uurimuse eesmärk on selgitada, kas ja kuidas riiklik rahvuspoliitika mõjutas inimeste käitumist ja vastupidi – mil määral mõjutasid inimeste valikud riikide tegevust. Valimisse hõlmatud inimestest suurem osa puutus uuritaval perioodil kokku nelja riigi – Venemaa keisririigi, Eesti Vabariigi, Nõukogude Liidu ja Saksamaa – rahvuspoliitikaga. Nende põhimõtteliselt erineva rahvuspoliitikaga riikide käsitlemine võimaldab tuvastada rahvuse ühiskondliku tähenduse universaalseid jooni. Eesmärgi täitmiseks analüüsiti inimeste eluloolisi andmeid, seadusandlust ja rahvuspoliitikat puudutavat dokumentatsiooni ning ühiskondlikke olusid puudutavaid allikaid. Doktoritööst selgus, et üksikisikute rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne määramine osutus 20. sajandi esimesel poolel keeruliseks nii riikide kui ka inimeste jaoks, sest puudusid selged kriteeriumid viimaste rahvuspõhiseks kategoriseerimiseks, ühtsed arusaamad rahvuste olemusest ning takistav tegur oli ka mõlema poole pragmaatiliste kaalutluste domineerimine rahvuse määramisel. Mida suurem oli rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne tähtsus, seda enam olid üksikisikute valikud tingitud olukorrast ning märksa vähem nende harjumuspärasest keele- ja kultuurikeskkonnast. Seetõttu ei õnnestunud riikidel peaaegu kunagi soovitud määral rakendada essentsialistlikke ja objektiivsusele pretendeerinud rahvuse määramise kriteeriume, isegi kui see oli eesmärk ja taolisi põhimõtteid seadustega kehtestada püüti. Samuti ei olnud riigid objektiivsuse rakendamisel põhimõttelised ja järjekindlad, vaid kohandasid seisukohti vastavalt pragmaatilistele huvidele ning inimeste käitumisele. Üksikisikute valikutel oli riiklikele poliitikatele märkimisväärne mõju, ehkki arvuliselt oli muutliku ja ebamäärase rahvuskuuluvusega inimesi ühiskonnas marginaalselt. This dissertation focuses on the meaning of ethnicity in the relations between individuals and states in the first half of the 20th century using the biographical data of people who resettled from Estonia to Germany in 1941 as a sample. The aim of this study is to explain whether and how ethnopolitics of the states influenced the behaviour of individuals and vice versa – to what extent individual choices influenced state policy. Most people in the sample were affected by the ethnopolitics of four states: Russian Empire, Estonian Republic, Soviet Union, and Germany. Analysing the states with fundamentally different ethnopolitics enables to identify universal characteristics of the role of ethnicity in the society. To fulfil the aim, biographical data, legislation, and documentation about ethnopolitics as well as sources about the social conditions were analysed. The dissertation shows that fixing individuals’ ethnicity turned out to be difficult for both parties – the states and individuals – since there were no clear criteria for ethnic categorisation and no common understanding about the nature of ethnicity. Pragmatic considerations of both parties also turned out to be an obstacle. The more formal importance ethnicity had, the more individuals made choices dependent on the situation and not so much on their customary lingual and cultural environment. Therefore, the states almost always failed to implement essentialist and objective criteria in fixing individuals’ ethnicity in a desired manner, even if such criteria were their aim and established by law. Furthermore, the authorities of the states were neither principled nor consistent in applying objective criteria. The states had to adapt their stances to their own pragmatic interests and according to the behaviour of individuals instead. Thus, individual choices had a remarkable impact on ethnopolitics, although people with dynamic and vague ethnic identity formed a marginal group in the society. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5450809

    image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/ DSpace at Tartu Univ...arrow_drop_down
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    Anders Nõu; Darya Lapitskaya; Mustafa Hakan Eratalay; Rajesh Sharma;

    For stock market predictions, the essence of the problem is usually predicting the magnitude and direction of the stock price movement as accurately as possible. There are different approaches (e.g., econometrics and machine learning) for predicting stock returns. However, it is non-trivial to find an approach which works the best. In this paper, we make a thorough analysis of the predictive accuracy of different machine learning and econometric approaches for predicting the returns and volatilities on the OMX Baltic Benchmark price index, which is a relatively less researched stock market. Our results show that the machine learning methods, namely the support vector regression and k-nearest neighbours, predict the returns better than autoregressive moving average models for most of the metrics, while for the other approaches, the results were not conclusive. Our analysis also highlighted that training and testing sample size plays an important role on the outcome of machine learning approaches.

    image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/ DSpace at Tartu Univ...arrow_drop_down
    image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
    image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
    SSRN Electronic Journal
    Article
    License: cc-by-nc-nd
    Data sources: UnpayWall
    SSRN Electronic Journal
    Article . 2021
    Data sources: Crossref
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    Jaan Masso; Priit Vahter;

    This paper investigates the productivity effects for domestic suppliers from joining and exiting the value chains of multinational enterprises (MNEs). The vast majority of prior literature has relied on sector-level input-output tables in estimating the effects of vertical linkages of FDI. Instead, our econometric analysis of the creation and destruction of backward linkages of MNEs is based on information on firm-to-firm transactions recorded in the valued added tax declarations data. Treatment analysis based on propensity score matching and panel data from Estonia suggests that starting to supply multinationals initially boosts the value added per employee of domestic firms, including effects on the scale of production and the capital-labour ratio. These first linkages to MNEs do not affect the total factor productivity (TFP) of domestic firms, suggesting that TFP effects take time to materialise. We further find that there are limits to the wider diffusion of the effects of linkages to MNEs. We find no significant positive effects on the second-tier suppliers: the positive effects are limited to the first-tier suppliers with direct links to MNEs. One novel result is the evidence that the productivity of suppliers does not fall, on average, after decreasing or ending supplier relationships with MNE customers.

    image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/ SSRN Electronic Jour...arrow_drop_down
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    SSRN Electronic Journal
    Article
    License: cc-by-nc-nd
    Data sources: UnpayWall
    image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
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    Raudsepp, Ago;

    Can a country with a constant state of emergency in its capital – as was the case in Estonia in 1918–1934 – be considered a democracy? Or a country where political violence is used against members of a parliamentary committee during a committee meeting – as was the case in Finland in 1930? Why did the Estonian Social Democrats support the 1934 coup and why did the Finnish Swedes defend the Finnish Communists? Why could Estonia not find any allies except Latvia in the 1920s and 1930s, and why was Finland left without allies in the Winter War? Why did Estonia and Finland not behave in the same way in the autumn of 1939, and why did the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand declare war on Finland in 1941? The answers to these questions lie in the relationships between democracy and security, which is exactly the topic of my dissertation. Based on the works of different philosophers, it is possible to show that democracy and security are interdependent. The relationship between democracy and security can be reduced to the classic dilemmas between freedom and security, freedom and sovereignty, and sovereignty and security. Although it is not possible to solve these dilemmas definitively, the solution can be improved indefinitely. I argue that the way in which democratic societies resolve these dilemmas does not depend on democratic culture or on the wisdom inherent in people, but on the perceptions of the majorities of democratic societies, which in turn depend primarily on historical experience. The theoretical explanation proposed in my dissertation helps to understand why Estonia’s and Finland’s quests for security failed in 1918–1948 and why Estonia and Finland made different choices at the turning points of their history. The behaviour of Estonia’s leaders during the events of 1939 and 1940 also becomes understandable. Hopefully, my dissertation will contribute to a fair judgement of the activities of Konstantin Päts and Johan Laidoner, and to reconciling Estonian society on the question of whether they were heroes or villains. However, the most important aim is to contribute to an understanding of just how fragile democracy and security can be, how they depend on each other and, in particular, how they depend on historical experience. Kas saab pidada demokraatlikuks riiki, mille pealinnas kehtib pidev erakorraline seisukord – nagu oli Eesti aastatel 1918–1934? Või riiki, kus parlamendikomisjoni liikmete vastu kasutatakse poliitilist vägivalda komisjoni istungi toimumise ajal – nagu oli Soome aastal 1930? Miks Eesti sotsiaaldemokraadid toetasid 1934. aasta riigipööret ja miks soomerootslased kaitsesid Soome kommuniste? Miks ei õnnestunud 1920-ndate ja 1930-ndate Eestil leida ühtegi liitlast peale Läti ja miks jäi Soome talvesõjas ilma liitlasteta? Miks Eesti ja Soome 1939. aasta sügisel ühtemoodi ei käitunud ja miks Ühendkuningriik, Kanada, Austraalia ja Uus-Meremaa 1941. aastal Soomele sõja kuulutasid? Vastus peitub demokraatia ja julgeoleku vahelistes seostes, mida minu väitekiri uuribki. Erinevate filosoofide töödele tuginedes on võimalik näidata, et demokraatia ja julgeolek sõltuvad vastastikku üksteisest. Demokraatia ja julgeoleku vaheline seos on taandatav klassikalistele dilemmadele vabaduse ja julgeoleku, vabaduse ja suveräänsuse ja suveräänsuse ja julgeoleku vahel. Kuigi dilemmasid ei ole võimalik lõplikult lahendada, on lahendust võimalik lõputult täiustada. Ma väidan, et see, kuidas demokraatlikud ühiskonnad neid dilemmasid lahendavad, ei sõltu mitte demokraatlikust kultuurist või rahvale omasest tarkusest, vaid demokraatlike ühiskondade enamuste arusaamadest, mis omakorda sõltuvad eelkõige ajaloolisest kogemusest. Minu väitekirjas välja pakutud teoreetiline selgitus aitab mõista, miks Eesti ja Soome julgeolekuotsingud aastatel 1918–1948 läbi kukkusid ja miks Eesti ja Soome oma ajaloo pöördepunktides erinevaid valikuid tegid. Mõistetavaks muutub ka Eesti riigijuhtide käitumine 1939. ja 1940. aasta sündmuste ajal. Loodetavasti aitab minu väitekiri kaasa õiglase hinnangu andmisele Konstantin Pätsi ja Johan Laidoneri tegevusele ja Eesti ühiskonna lepitamisele küsimuses, kas tegemist oli kangelaste või kurjategijatega. Kõige tähtsam on siiski aidata kaasa mõistmisele, kuivõrd haprad võivad olla demokraatia ja julgeolek, kuidas nad vastastikku üksteisest sõltuvad ja eriti – kuidas nad sõltuvad ajaloolisest kogemusest. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5391015

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    Islam, Md Rezwanul;

    This thesis is based on three main objectives: at first, the implementation of RNMT+ archi-tecture with Relational-RNN model. This is an interaction between this architecture and the RNN model. Secondly, train three different translation models based on RNMT+, Trans-former, and sequence to sequence architectures. Previously, we have witnessed the perfor-mance comparison among RNMT+ with LSTM, Transformer, seq2seq, etc. Finally, evalu-ate the translation model based on training data. When implementing RNMT+, the core idea was to use a newer type of Recurrent Neural Network (RNN) instead of a widely used LSTM or GRU. Besides this, we evaluate the RNMT+ model with other models based on state-of-the-art Transformer and Sequence to Sequence with attention architectures. This evaluation (BLEU) shows that neural machine translation is domain-dependent, and translation based on the Transformer model performs better than the other two in OpenSubtitle v2018 domain while RNMT+ model performs better compared to other two in a cross-domain evaluation. Additionally, we compare all the above-mentioned architectures based on their correspond-ing encoder-decoder layers, attention mechanism and other available neural machine translation and statistical machine translation architectures. In estonian: See lõputöö põhineb kolmel põhieesmärgil: alguses RNMT + arhitektuuri rakendamine Relatsioon-RNN-mudeli abil. See on interaktsioon selle arhitektuuri ja RNN-mudeli vahel. Teiseks, koolitage kolme erinevat tõlkemudelit, mis põhinevad RNMT +, Trafo ja järjestusearhitektuuridel. Varem oleme olnud tunnistajaks RNMT + jõudluse võrdlusele LSTM, Transformeri, seq2seq jne abil. Lõpuks hinnake tõlkemudelit koolitusandmete põhjal. RNMT + rakendamisel oli peamine idee kasutada laialdaselt kasutatava LSTM või GRU asemel uuemat tüüpi korduvat närvivõrku (RNN). Lisaks hindame RNMT + mudelit koos teiste mudelitega, mis põhinevad tipptehnoloogial Transformer ja Sequence to Sequence koos tähelepanu arhitektuuridega. See hinnang (BLEU) näitab, et neuraalne masintõlge on domeenist sõltuv ja muunduril Transformer põhinev tõlge toimib paremini kui ülejäänud kaks OpenSubtitle v2018 domeenis, samal ajal kui RNMT + mudel toimib paremini kui ülejäänud kaks domeenidevahelist hindamist. Lisaks võrdleme kõiki ülalnimetatud arhitektuure nende vastavate kodeerija-dekoodri kihtide, tähelepanu mehhanismi ja muude saadaolevate närvi masintõlke ning statistiliste masintõlke arhitektuuride põhjal.

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    Paul Oliver Stocker;

    http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2658242~S1*est

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    Polli, Kadi;

    This PhD thesis examines the Baltic art field during the Enlightenment, focusing on the amateur pictorial legacy. By turning our attention from the professional-institutional art world, which was still quite limited in the 18th century, to the broader circle of dilettanti, and from artistically high-quality pictures to everyday drawing practices (travel and scientific drawings, cartographical records, pictures related to local history and archaeology, journal vignettes, etc), the sudden increase of art appreciation and drawing skills among the Baltic nobility and educated class in the second half of the 18th century has been traced, along with the noteworthy role played by pictorial media during the Baltic Enlightenment. In the thesis, this change of perspective and a certain re-evaluation of the descriptive patterns related to the local art field help to highlight the special features of Baltic art, by allowing the limited aesthetic quality and the modest creative flight of the early local pictorial legacy to be treated without an inferiority complex and for its inherently Enlightenment-based pragmatic attitude and applied nature to be viewed as one of the main features of Baltic German art culture. Along with the mapping of the local art lovers’ pictorial experiences and prototypes, the topographies of Baltic sights and landscapes that were the most important and most characteristic pictorial genre of the Baltic Enlightenment, and which created the local visual identity, are examined. Various articles explore the aspect of female dilettanti, the theme of art collections and the art market, and provide a view based on the history of mentality as it relates to the various functions and art/artist positions in Baltic society. Attention is separately paid to distinguishing between an artist’s hobby and artist’s profession and the awareness thereof in the Baltic mentality; and to several, cultural self-determinations that developed locally during the Enlightenment, and which continued to feed the amateur, Enlightenment-based and pragmatic attitude toward artistic creation during the 19th century. Doktoritöö võtab vaatluse alla Balti valgustusaegse kunstivälja, keskendudes harrastuslikule pildipärandile. Pöörates fookuse 18.sajandi veel tagasihoidlikult professionaalselt-institutsionaalselt kunstielult laiemale harrastajate ringile ja kunstiliselt kõrgetasemelistelt piltidelt harrastuslikele, argistele, rakenduslikele joonistuspraktikatele (reisi- ja teadusjoonistused, kartograafilised ülestähendused, koduloolised ja muinasteaduslikud pildid, päevikuvinjetid jpm) on jälgitud kunstitundmise ja joonistusoskuse hüppelist kasvu Balti aadli- ja haritlaskonna seas 18.sajandi teisel poolel – ja veel enam, pildimeedia märkimisväärset rolli Balti valgustuses. Selline vaatenurga muutmine ja seniste kohalikku kunstivälja kirjeldavate mustrite teatav ümbermängimine on töös abiks balti kunsti erijoonte esiletoomisel, lubades alaväärsuskompleksita käsitleda siinse varase pildipärandi vähest esteetilist kvaliteeti ja madalat loomelendu ning hinnata sellele omast valgustuslik-pragmaatilist suhtumist ja rakenduslikku-harrastuslikku iseloomu kui baltisaksa kunstikultuuri ühte põhijoont. Koos siinsete harrastajate pildikogemuse ja -eeskujude kaardistamisega võetakse fookusesse Balti valgustuskunsti kõige tähtsam ja iseloomulikum, kohalikku visuaalset identiteeti loov pildižanr – muististe ja vaatamisväärsuste pildilised topograafiad ning maastikujoonistused. Erinevates artiklites lisandub naisuurimuse aspekt, kunstikogude ja –turu teema ning mentaliteediajaloost lähtuv pilk joonistamise erinevatele funktsioonidele ja kunsti/kunstniku positsioonile Balti ühiskonnas. Omaette tähelepanu saavad kunstiharrastuse ja kunstnikuprofessiooni eristamine ja teadvustamine balti mentaliteedis ning mitmed just valgustusajas siinmail väljakujunenud kultuurilised enesedeterminatsioonid, mis jäävad harrastuslikku, valgustuslik-pragmaatilist suhtumist kunstiloomesse toitma ka 19. sajandi edenedes. Väitekirja elektrooniline versioon ei sisalda publikatsioone https://www.ester.ee/record=b5249289~S1

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  • image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
    Nekoliak, Andrii;

    Doktoritöö vaatleb mälupoliitika arenguid Poolas ja Ukrainas alates 1989./1990. aasta demokraatlikest siiretest, seda eeskätt läbi seadusandliku prisma. Neid kahte juhtumit võib käsitleda esinduslikena mälupoliitiliste debattide intensiivsuse osas regioonis ning doktoritöö seadiski eesmärgiks selgitada „mäluseaduste“ arengu üldisi mustreid ning selgitada lähemalt nn karistusõiguslikul tasemel vastu võetud seadusandlike aktide spetsiifilisi protsesse Poola ja Ukraina parlamentides. Dissertatsioonis uurisin süstemaatiliselt kahe juhtumiriigi ühismälu reguleerimise protsessiga seonduvaid poliitilisi arenguid. Doktoritööga panustan teadusala arengusse kolmel viisil. Kontseptuaalsel tasandil eristab väitekiri ühismälu reguleerimise valdkonna üleminekuõigluse poliitikatest. Käsitlesin kriitiliselt „mäluseadusi“ kontseptualiseerivaid töid näitamaks, kuidas kontseptuaalset kategooriat saab kasutada kollektiivse mälu reguleerimise mustrite analüüsimisel. Iseäranis olulisena uuendasin Eric Heinze tööst lähtudes mäluseaduste kontseptualiseerimist, suhestades selle omakorda teiste temaatiliste käsitlustega. Empiiriliselt toetub doktoritöö kahe juhtumiriigi parlamentides vastu võetud mälupoliitikaga seotud aktide ammendavale ja süstemaatilisele uurimisele. Doktoritöö analüüs põhines unikaalsel, maksimaalselt ammendaval seadusandlike aktide kogumil, mis koosnes vastavalt 447 Ukraina ning 719 Poola parlamendi alamkojas ning Senatis vastu võetud aktist. Analüütiliselt selgitab väitekiri erinevuste põhjuseid mälu ja mäletamist reguleeriva seadusloome komposiitmustrites Poolas ja Ukrainas (uurimus 1) ning karistusõiguslikul tasemel vastu võetud seadusandlike aktidega seotud spetsiifilisi protsesse (uurimus 2). Kahe uurimuse kaasamine väitekirja tulenes soovist illustreerida „mäluseaduse“ kontseptsiooni operatsionaliseerimise võimalusi juhtumiriikide mälupoliitiliste protsesside empiirilisel uurimisel. Uurimus 1 formuleeris kaks hüpoteesi parlamenditaseme mäluprotsesside regulatsiooni ajastuse kohta. Doktoritöö empiiriline analüüs vaidlustas olemasolevaid teoreetilisi vaatenurki, mille kohaselt peaksid mälupoliitilised protsessid algama varakult pärast siirdeprotsessi toimumist (üleminekuõigluse hüpotees). Selle asemel leidis uurimuses 1 toetust teine hüpotees (mälupoliitika hüpotees), mida tutvutatakse väitekirja sissejuhatuses. Uurimus 1 argumenteeris, et mälupoliitilise võimuvõitluse struktuur rahvusparlamentides tõi kaasa mäluseaduste profiilide hilisema intensiivistumise nii Poolas kui Ukrainas. Uurimus 2 keskendus Poola ja Ukraina parlamentides karistusõigluslikul tasemel vastu võetud seadusandlike aktide esilekerkimise protsessi analüüsile. Keskseks küsimuseks oli, miks erinesid Poolas ja Ukrainas teatud mälu- või ajaloopoliitilisi seisukohtade avaldamist keelustavad seadused oma karistusliku iseloomu poolest? Kuigi mõlemas riigis keelustati teatud riigi minevikku puudutavatest teemadest rääkimine, erines vastavates seadustes oluliselt karistuslike meetmete ulatus. Uurimus 2 leidsin, et Poola Seimis ja Ukraina Ülemraadas välja kujunenud lähenemine rahvuslikule ajalookirjutusele ennustas variatiivsust karistuslikes meetmetes ajaloost kõnelemist puudutavas seadusandluses. The dissertation investigates the politics of memory laws in Poland and Ukraine since the democratizing moments of 1989/1990. Considering two cases emblematic of the intensity of the politics of memory in the region, the thesis aimed to explain the overall patterns of memory legislation evolution and explicate the specific processes of punitive memory law-making in the parliaments of Poland and Ukraine. It systematically investigated the political dynamics behind collective memory regulation in two country-cases. I contribute to the state of the field in three ways. On a conceptual level, the thesis distinguishes the domain of collective memory regulation from transitional justice politics. It critically revisited the works over the concept of ‘memory law’ in order to show how this conceptual category can be used to analyze the patterns of collective memory regulation. In particular, I introduced a novelty with regard to the conceptualization of memory law originally formulated by Eric Heinze against the backdrop of other works in the field. Empirically, the dissertation provided an exhaustive and systematic investigation of commemorative lawmaking in the parliaments of two country-cases. The dissertation advanced its analysis based on a unique set of legislation consisting of 447 and 719 parliamentary acts issued by Ukrainian and Polish legislatures, respectively. Analytically, the dissertation explicated the reasons behind the patterns of collective memory regulation (Study 1) and the specific processes of the emergence of punitive memory laws (Study 2) in Poland and Ukraine. The rationale for dividing the dissertation into Study 1 and Study 2 was to illustrate the potential of operationalizing the concept of memory law into the empirical investigation of the politics of memory of country-cases. Study 1 examined the patterns of commemorative lawmaking in the parliaments of Poland and Ukraine, asking why there was a variation in intensity and propensity of commemorative lawmaking occurring in the politics of Polish Sejm and Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada. Study 1 formulated two hypotheses regarding the politics of memorialisation. It set an aim to verify these hypotheses through an empirical investigation of the politics of memory laws in two countries. Furthermore, Study 2 engaged in process analysis of the emergence of punitive memory laws in the national parliaments of Poland and Ukraine. It asked why there was a variation in criminal punishment functions between Polish and Ukrainian laws on historical denialism. While each country-case outlawed certain instances of historical speech over the national past, the severity of prohibitions found in the relevant laws was different. As an analytical added value of the investigation, Study 2 argued that the types of orientation towards national historiographies taken in the politics of the Sejm and the Verkhovna Rada predicted the variation in the formulation of punitive provisions between Polish and Ukrainian laws on historical speech. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5507839

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    Gaygysyz Ashyrov; Helen Poltimäe;

    Energy efficiency is an important issue for developing countries like Vietnam, where the economy is thriving, but energy efficiency is still low. Firms should invest in energy efficiency measures, but the desired level is not reached. While the economic determinants of firms’ investments in energy efficiency have been researched, the role of the institutional setting has not gained so much attention. By employing data from Vietnamese small and medium-sized enterprises that has been administered in 2015, this article investigates how corruption, as a sign of institutional dysfunctionality, is associated with the energy efficiency in firms. Results of a bivariate binary probit estimation revealed that bribery increases the likelihood of energy efficiency environmentally friendly investments. However, findings from instrumental variable two stage least squares estimations demonstrate that bribery increases the cost of the investments. Hence, in the long run, corruption might have a deterring effect on energy efficiency investments by firms.

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    SSRN Electronic Journal
    Article . 2022
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    Karilaid, Marko;
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    Triin Tark;

    Siinne doktoritöö käsitleb rahvuskuuluvuse tähendust inimeste ja riigi vahelistes suhetes 20. sajandi esimesel poolel, kasutades näidisvalimina 1941. aastal Eestist Saksamaale ümber asunud inimeste andmeid. Uurimuse eesmärk on selgitada, kas ja kuidas riiklik rahvuspoliitika mõjutas inimeste käitumist ja vastupidi – mil määral mõjutasid inimeste valikud riikide tegevust. Valimisse hõlmatud inimestest suurem osa puutus uuritaval perioodil kokku nelja riigi – Venemaa keisririigi, Eesti Vabariigi, Nõukogude Liidu ja Saksamaa – rahvuspoliitikaga. Nende põhimõtteliselt erineva rahvuspoliitikaga riikide käsitlemine võimaldab tuvastada rahvuse ühiskondliku tähenduse universaalseid jooni. Eesmärgi täitmiseks analüüsiti inimeste eluloolisi andmeid, seadusandlust ja rahvuspoliitikat puudutavat dokumentatsiooni ning ühiskondlikke olusid puudutavaid allikaid. Doktoritööst selgus, et üksikisikute rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne määramine osutus 20. sajandi esimesel poolel keeruliseks nii riikide kui ka inimeste jaoks, sest puudusid selged kriteeriumid viimaste rahvuspõhiseks kategoriseerimiseks, ühtsed arusaamad rahvuste olemusest ning takistav tegur oli ka mõlema poole pragmaatiliste kaalutluste domineerimine rahvuse määramisel. Mida suurem oli rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne tähtsus, seda enam olid üksikisikute valikud tingitud olukorrast ning märksa vähem nende harjumuspärasest keele- ja kultuurikeskkonnast. Seetõttu ei õnnestunud riikidel peaaegu kunagi soovitud määral rakendada essentsialistlikke ja objektiivsusele pretendeerinud rahvuse määramise kriteeriume, isegi kui see oli eesmärk ja taolisi põhimõtteid seadustega kehtestada püüti. Samuti ei olnud riigid objektiivsuse rakendamisel põhimõttelised ja järjekindlad, vaid kohandasid seisukohti vastavalt pragmaatilistele huvidele ning inimeste käitumisele. Üksikisikute valikutel oli riiklikele poliitikatele märkimisväärne mõju, ehkki arvuliselt oli muutliku ja ebamäärase rahvuskuuluvusega inimesi ühiskonnas marginaalselt. This dissertation focuses on the meaning of ethnicity in the relations between individuals and states in the first half of the 20th century using the biographical data of people who resettled from Estonia to Germany in 1941 as a sample. The aim of this study is to explain whether and how ethnopolitics of the states influenced the behaviour of individuals and vice versa – to what extent individual choices influenced state policy. Most people in the sample were affected by the ethnopolitics of four states: Russian Empire, Estonian Republic, Soviet Union, and Germany. Analysing the states with fundamentally different ethnopolitics enables to identify universal characteristics of the role of ethnicity in the society. To fulfil the aim, biographical data, legislation, and documentation about ethnopolitics as well as sources about the social conditions were analysed. The dissertation shows that fixing individuals’ ethnicity turned out to be difficult for both parties – the states and individuals – since there were no clear criteria for ethnic categorisation and no common understanding about the nature of ethnicity. Pragmatic considerations of both parties also turned out to be an obstacle. The more formal importance ethnicity had, the more individuals made choices dependent on the situation and not so much on their customary lingual and cultural environment. Therefore, the states almost always failed to implement essentialist and objective criteria in fixing individuals’ ethnicity in a desired manner, even if such criteria were their aim and established by law. Furthermore, the authorities of the states were neither principled nor consistent in applying objective criteria. The states had to adapt their stances to their own pragmatic interests and according to the behaviour of individuals instead. Thus, individual choices had a remarkable impact on ethnopolitics, although people with dynamic and vague ethnic identity formed a marginal group in the society. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5450809

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    Anders Nõu; Darya Lapitskaya; Mustafa Hakan Eratalay; Rajesh Sharma;

    For stock market predictions, the essence of the problem is usually predicting the magnitude and direction of the stock price movement as accurately as possible. There are different approaches (e.g., econometrics and machine learning) for predicting stock returns. However, it is non-trivial to find an approach which works the best. In this paper, we make a thorough analysis of the predictive accuracy of different machine learning and econometric approaches for predicting the returns and volatilities on the OMX Baltic Benchmark price index, which is a relatively less researched stock market. Our results show that the machine learning methods, namely the support vector regression and k-nearest neighbours, predict the returns better than autoregressive moving average models for most of the metrics, while for the other approaches, the results were not conclusive. Our analysis also highlighted that training and testing sample size plays an important role on the outcome of machine learning approaches.

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    SSRN Electronic Journal
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    SSRN Electronic Journal
    Article . 2021
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    Jaan Masso; Priit Vahter;

    This paper investigates the productivity effects for domestic suppliers from joining and exiting the value chains of multinational enterprises (MNEs). The vast majority of prior literature has relied on sector-level input-output tables in estimating the effects of vertical linkages of FDI. Instead, our econometric analysis of the creation and destruction of backward linkages of MNEs is based on information on firm-to-firm transactions recorded in the valued added tax declarations data. Treatment analysis based on propensity score matching and panel data from Estonia suggests that starting to supply multinationals initially boosts the value added per employee of domestic firms, including effects on the scale of production and the capital-labour ratio. These first linkages to MNEs do not affect the total factor productivity (TFP) of domestic firms, suggesting that TFP effects take time to materialise. We further find that there are limits to the wider diffusion of the effects of linkages to MNEs. We find no significant positive effects on the second-tier suppliers: the positive effects are limited to the first-tier suppliers with direct links to MNEs. One novel result is the evidence that the productivity of suppliers does not fall, on average, after decreasing or ending supplier relationships with MNE customers.

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    Raudsepp, Ago;

    Can a country with a constant state of emergency in its capital – as was the case in Estonia in 1918–1934 – be considered a democracy? Or a country where political violence is used against members of a parliamentary committee during a committee meeting – as was the case in Finland in 1930? Why did the Estonian Social Democrats support the 1934 coup and why did the Finnish Swedes defend the Finnish Communists? Why could Estonia not find any allies except Latvia in the 1920s and 1930s, and why was Finland left without allies in the Winter War? Why did Estonia and Finland not behave in the same way in the autumn of 1939, and why did the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand declare war on Finland in 1941? The answers to these questions lie in the relationships between democracy and security, which is exactly the topic of my dissertation. Based on the works of different philosophers, it is possible to show that democracy and security are interdependent. The relationship between democracy and security can be reduced to the classic dilemmas between freedom and security, freedom and sovereignty, and sovereignty and security. Although it is not possible to solve these dilemmas definitively, the solution can be improved indefinitely. I argue that the way in which democratic societies resolve these dilemmas does not depend on democratic culture or on the wisdom inherent in people, but on the perceptions of the majorities of democratic societies, which in turn depend primarily on historical experience. The theoretical explanation proposed in my dissertation helps to understand why Estonia’s and Finland’s quests for security failed in 1918–1948 and why Estonia and Finland made different choices at the turning points of their history. The behaviour of Estonia’s leaders during the events of 1939 and 1940 also becomes understandable. Hopefully, my dissertation will contribute to a fair judgement of the activities of Konstantin Päts and Johan Laidoner, and to reconciling Estonian society on the question of whether they were heroes or villains. However, the most important aim is to contribute to an understanding of just how fragile democracy and security can be, how they depend on each other and, in particular, how they depend on historical experience. Kas saab pidada demokraatlikuks riiki, mille pealinnas kehtib pidev erakorraline seisukord – nagu oli Eesti aastatel 1918–1934? Või riiki, kus parlamendikomisjoni liikmete vastu kasutatakse poliitilist vägivalda komisjoni istungi toimumise ajal – nagu oli Soome aastal 1930? Miks Eesti sotsiaaldemokraadid toetasid 1934. aasta riigipööret ja miks soomerootslased kaitsesid Soome kommuniste? Miks ei õnnestunud 1920-ndate ja 1930-ndate Eestil leida ühtegi liitlast peale Läti ja miks jäi Soome talvesõjas ilma liitlasteta? Miks Eesti ja Soome 1939. aasta sügisel ühtemoodi ei käitunud ja miks Ühendkuningriik, Kanada, Austraalia ja Uus-Meremaa 1941. aastal Soomele sõja kuulutasid? Vastus peitub demokraatia ja julgeoleku vahelistes seostes, mida minu väitekiri uuribki. Erinevate filosoofide töödele tuginedes on võimalik näidata, et demokraatia ja julgeolek sõltuvad vastastikku üksteisest. Demokraatia ja julgeoleku vaheline seos on taandatav klassikalistele dilemmadele vabaduse ja julgeoleku, vabaduse ja suveräänsuse ja suveräänsuse ja julgeoleku vahel. Kuigi dilemmasid ei ole võimalik lõplikult lahendada, on lahendust võimalik lõputult täiustada. Ma väidan, et see, kuidas demokraatlikud ühiskonnad neid dilemmasid lahendavad, ei sõltu mitte demokraatlikust kultuurist või rahvale omasest tarkusest, vaid demokraatlike ühiskondade enamuste arusaamadest, mis omakorda sõltuvad eelkõige ajaloolisest kogemusest. Minu väitekirjas välja pakutud teoreetiline selgitus aitab mõista, miks Eesti ja Soome julgeolekuotsingud aastatel 1918–1948 läbi kukkusid ja miks Eesti ja Soome oma ajaloo pöördepunktides erinevaid valikuid tegid. Mõistetavaks muutub ka Eesti riigijuhtide käitumine 1939. ja 1940. aasta sündmuste ajal. Loodetavasti aitab minu väitekiri kaasa õiglase hinnangu andmisele Konstantin Pätsi ja Johan Laidoneri tegevusele ja Eesti ühiskonna lepitamisele küsimuses, kas tegemist oli kangelaste või kurjategijatega. Kõige tähtsam on siiski aidata kaasa mõistmisele, kuivõrd haprad võivad olla demokraatia ja julgeolek, kuidas nad vastastikku üksteisest sõltuvad ja eriti – kuidas nad sõltuvad ajaloolisest kogemusest. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5391015

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    Islam, Md Rezwanul;

    This thesis is based on three main objectives: at first, the implementation of RNMT+ archi-tecture with Relational-RNN model. This is an interaction between this architecture and the RNN model. Secondly, train three different translation models based on RNMT+, Trans-former, and sequence to sequence architectures. Previously, we have witnessed the perfor-mance comparison among RNMT+ with LSTM, Transformer, seq2seq, etc. Finally, evalu-ate the translation model based on training data. When implementing RNMT+, the core idea was to use a newer type of Recurrent Neural Network (RNN) instead of a widely used LSTM or GRU. Besides this, we evaluate the RNMT+ model with other models based on state-of-the-art Transformer and Sequence to Sequence with attention architectures. This evaluation (BLEU) shows that neural machine translation is domain-dependent, and translation based on the Transformer model performs better than the other two in OpenSubtitle v2018 domain while RNMT+ model performs better compared to other two in a cross-domain evaluation. Additionally, we compare all the above-mentioned architectures based on their correspond-ing encoder-decoder layers, attention mechanism and other available neural machine translation and statistical machine translation architectures. In estonian: See lõputöö põhineb kolmel põhieesmärgil: alguses RNMT + arhitektuuri rakendamine Relatsioon-RNN-mudeli abil. See on interaktsioon selle arhitektuuri ja RNN-mudeli vahel. Teiseks, koolitage kolme erinevat tõlkemudelit, mis põhinevad RNMT +, Trafo ja järjestusearhitektuuridel. Varem oleme olnud tunnistajaks RNMT + jõudluse võrdlusele LSTM, Transformeri, seq2seq jne abil. Lõpuks hinnake tõlkemudelit koolitusandmete põhjal. RNMT + rakendamisel oli peamine idee kasutada laialdaselt kasutatava LSTM või GRU asemel uuemat tüüpi korduvat närvivõrku (RNN). Lisaks hindame RNMT + mudelit koos teiste mudelitega, mis põhinevad tipptehnoloogial Transformer ja Sequence to Sequence koos tähelepanu arhitektuuridega. See hinnang (BLEU) näitab, et neuraalne masintõlge on domeenist sõltuv ja muunduril Transformer põhinev tõlge toimib paremini kui ülejäänud kaks OpenSubtitle v2018 domeenis, samal ajal kui RNMT + mudel toimib paremini kui ülejäänud kaks domeenidevahelist hindamist. Lisaks võrdleme kõiki ülalnimetatud arhitektuure nende vastavate kodeerija-dekoodri kihtide, tähelepanu mehhanismi ja muude saadaolevate närvi masintõlke ning statistiliste masintõlke arhitektuuride põhjal.

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    Paul Oliver Stocker;

    http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2658242~S1*est

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    Polli, Kadi;

    This PhD thesis examines the Baltic art field during the Enlightenment, focusing on the amateur pictorial legacy. By turning our attention from the professional-institutional art world, which was still quite limited in the 18th century, to the broader circle of dilettanti, and from artistically high-quality pictures to everyday drawing practices (travel and scientific drawings, cartographical records, pictures related to local history and archaeology, journal vignettes, etc), the sudden increase of art appreciation and drawing skills among the Baltic nobility and educated class in the second half of the 18th century has been traced, along with the noteworthy role played by pictorial media during the Baltic Enlightenment. In the thesis, this change of perspective and a certain re-evaluation of the descriptive patterns related to the local art field help to highlight the special features of Baltic art, by allowing the limited aesthetic quality and the modest creative flight of the early local pictorial legacy to be treated without an inferiority complex and for its inherently Enlightenment-based pragmatic attitude and applied nature to be viewed as one of the main features of Baltic German art culture. Along with the mapping of the local art lovers’ pictorial experiences and prototypes, the topographies of Baltic sights and landscapes that were the most important and most characteristic pictorial genre of the Baltic Enlightenment, and which created the local visual identity, are examined. Various articles explore the aspect of female dilettanti, the theme of art collections and the art market, and provide a view based on the history of mentality as it relates to the various functions and art/artist positions in Baltic society. Attention is separately paid to distinguishing between an artist’s hobby and artist’s profession and the awareness thereof in the Baltic mentality; and to several, cultural self-determinations that developed locally during the Enlightenment, and which continued to feed the amateur, Enlightenment-based and pragmatic attitude toward artistic creation during the 19th century. Doktoritöö võtab vaatluse alla Balti valgustusaegse kunstivälja, keskendudes harrastuslikule pildipärandile. Pöörates fookuse 18.sajandi veel tagasihoidlikult professionaalselt-institutsionaalselt kunstielult laiemale harrastajate ringile ja kunstiliselt kõrgetasemelistelt piltidelt harrastuslikele, argistele, rakenduslikele joonistuspraktikatele (reisi- ja teadusjoonistused, kartograafilised ülestähendused, koduloolised ja muinasteaduslikud pildid, päevikuvinjetid jpm) on jälgitud kunstitundmise ja joonistusoskuse hüppelist kasvu Balti aadli- ja haritlaskonna seas 18.sajandi teisel poolel – ja veel enam, pildimeedia märkimisväärset rolli Balti valgustuses. Selline vaatenurga muutmine ja seniste kohalikku kunstivälja kirjeldavate mustrite teatav ümbermängimine on töös abiks balti kunsti erijoonte esiletoomisel, lubades alaväärsuskompleksita käsitleda siinse varase pildipärandi vähest esteetilist kvaliteeti ja madalat loomelendu ning hinnata sellele omast valgustuslik-pragmaatilist suhtumist ja rakenduslikku-harrastuslikku iseloomu kui baltisaksa kunstikultuuri ühte põhijoont. Koos siinsete harrastajate pildikogemuse ja -eeskujude kaardistamisega võetakse fookusesse Balti valgustuskunsti kõige tähtsam ja iseloomulikum, kohalikku visuaalset identiteeti loov pildižanr – muististe ja vaatamisväärsuste pildilised topograafiad ning maastikujoonistused. Erinevates artiklites lisandub naisuurimuse aspekt, kunstikogude ja –turu teema ning mentaliteediajaloost lähtuv pilk joonistamise erinevatele funktsioonidele ja kunsti/kunstniku positsioonile Balti ühiskonnas. Omaette tähelepanu saavad kunstiharrastuse ja kunstnikuprofessiooni eristamine ja teadvustamine balti mentaliteedis ning mitmed just valgustusajas siinmail väljakujunenud kultuurilised enesedeterminatsioonid, mis jäävad harrastuslikku, valgustuslik-pragmaatilist suhtumist kunstiloomesse toitma ka 19. sajandi edenedes. Väitekirja elektrooniline versioon ei sisalda publikatsioone https://www.ester.ee/record=b5249289~S1

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