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44 Research products, page 1 of 5

  • Publications
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  • 2022-2022
  • English
  • Corvinus University of Budapest

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  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Samay, Mohammad Ali;
    Country: Hungary

    The dissertation has four main chapters. I begin with the discussion of the philosophical and historical concept of Eurasia (Chapter No 2.). This contains an overview on contemporary political and security concerns of the great powers in Eurasia and a deep analytical study of philosophy and history of the terms Eurasianism(s), followed by subchapters such as: the standpoint of the United States in Eurasia, the strategic path of Russia in Eurasia, the strategic view of Turkey to Eurasia, China’s standpoint on Eurasia and India from Indo-Pacific to Eurasia. I found that Eurasian powers are capable to develop a global partnership model at the inter-regional and international level by challenging post-Soviet unipolar world order. I argue that this step generates conflicts and misunderstandings in high-level politics between Eurasian powers and the West, represented by organizations like NATO and the European Union. I believe that the era of misunderstanding will concede its place to “genuin strategic partnership and trans-Eurasian security system” applied by Brzezinski, Z. (Brzezinski, Z., 1997) between Eurasia and Europe, on the one hand, and Eurasian powers and the US, on the other. I made the argumentation that the Eurasian continent is divided between several nations and sovereign countries in three different levels: great, middle, and small powers. No unique power has the real capacity to shape or reassert an empire in order to rule the Heartland, WorldIsland to command the world. The bilateral and multilateral relations between Eurasian countries or powers are based on mutual recognition and equality. I proved the only issue that involve Eurasian powers outside their territory or borders are their inherited historical, cultural, and geopolitical frontiers. In the current geopolitical structure of world politics, the case of influence over international or regional initiatives is the issue of interest among countries seeking global or regional hegemony. The Heartland and the World Island in Eurasia are places where the frontiers and interests of all Eurasian powers meet or even encircle into one other. Because of this complex structure, regionalism or regional integration is a considerable part of their foreign policies. According to my findings, Halford Mackinder had addressed the geopolitical significance of the Heartland under the era of historical empires from a classical realistic point of view. My opinion is the implementation of such a political order or returning to the 20th century political settlement in the current international political, economic, and security structure is impossible. At the same time the Eurasian great powers failed to establish the western type liberal and neo-liberal political order. I raised the idea of fourth political theory that could lay an adaptable political structure or framework among and across the region. The next (No 3.) chapter focuses on the economic, trade, and geopolitical relations between Eurasian powers, and has two main parts. The first part contains an overview on IntraRIC+T (Russia, India, China + Turkey) investment and trade relations providing data about India-China, India-Russia, Russia-China, Russia-German and Russia-Europe trade and economic relations and the discusses the case of geopolitical and geostrategic interests of given countries. The second part of the chapter discusses the complexity of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). The influence and contribution of BRICS in world politics and economics, intra-BRICS achievements and failures, the case of BRICS New Development Bank and the case of intra-BRICS investment and trade are the main terms of this part. I will also try to make a theoretical background for the process to find what kind of cooperation BRICS is primarily involved in, whether it is a new occurrence in the global partnership era and what mechanisms and projections could raise a better and deeper economic cooperation and integration between these nations by applying theories of global and regional economic integration in the conclusion. The next (No 4.) chapter focuses on the Eurasian Economic Union. The subchapters in this part of my dissertation are: the treaty of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), Russia and the EAEU, the historical and evolutional background of the EAEU, and the economic situation and the results of the EAEU in present. The last chapter is the conclusion section which contains an analytical outcome of the dissertation. For data collection to conduct my study, I used secondary sources such as books, journal and online articles related to the topic and official statistics and indicators from the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and International Trade Centre etc.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Tóth-Ferenci, Adrienn;
    Country: Hungary

    The context of the current research is the crisis of the multilateral framework, since scepticism of effective multilateralism has been growing in recent years. The thesis focuses on the particular situation of the Council of Europe, and intends to examine the correlation between the soft power human rights instruments, the “normative institutionalism” and the classical, “power” realism. The dissertation aims to present one political (suspension of voting rights of the Russian parliamentary delegation in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe) and one legal case study (reluctant implementation of the judgement of the European Court of Human Rights) to illustrate the political and legal difficulties the Council of Europe faces. After a qualitative analysis I seek an answer to the question, how the organisation can solve the challenges resulting from the reappearance of power realism in an intergovernmental organisation with the protection of human rights as a core mission. How, in other words, to solve its own Copenhagen dilemma. The concrete research questions are as follows: 1) “Could the recent political and legal challenges to effective multilateralism endanger the functioning of the Council of Europe in the long run?” 2) Could normative institutionalism prevail over the great powers’ geopolitical interests, and if so, to what extent?” The thesis also intends to examine the enlargement dilemma of the organisation in the mid-nineties, whether to invite the Eastern European countries to join before they were in compliance with the main standards or to delay their accession until their legal and institutional structures were closer to European standards. This Chapter is highly relevant for the initial hypothesis, which is that the Eastern enlargement with the accession of the Russian Federation as a great power largely contributed to the political and legal challenges of the Council of Europe. The way I intend to conduct the research is partly based on my personal experiences in 1999 and between 2011 and 2016 in the Council of Europe, when I served in Strasbourg, as deputy to the Permanent Representative of Hungary to the Council of Europe. In this capacity I actively participated in the work of four rapporteur groups preparing the decision-making process of the Committee of Ministers and in the Human Rights (DH) sessions of the Ministers’ Deputies responsible for the supervision of the execution of the Strasbourg Court’s judgements. I also followed the activity of the Parliamentary Assembly in recent years, between 2016 and 2020. In addition, I am currently the Hungarian delegate in two institutions of the Council of Europe, the Steering Committee on Anti-Discrimination, Diversity and Inclusion (CDADI) and in the Governing Board of the Observatory on History Teaching. I also build on the evaluations of the semi-structured interviews with high-ranking officials of the Council of Europe and of the Hungarian foreign service. As the sources are very limited, there is no academic literature analysing these developments, the interviews with competent officials are of utmost importance. The list of interviewees covers different nationals of the Council of Europe working in the structure of the Committee of Ministers and the Parliamentary Assembly on the one hand, politicians of the Parliamentary Assembly and high ranking diplomats of the Hungarian foreign service on the other. It should be also noted that the structure of the thesis was determined in 2020, long before the war between the Russian Federation and Ukraine. However, this war in a neighbouring state has had a major impact on this research, therefore the exclusion of the Russian Federation from the Council of Europe, and its assessment will form an integral part of this research. Based on the conclusions of the thesis, the followings could be the new scientific results: • • Contribution to the general literature focusing on the future role of multilateral organisations; • • Providing a comprehensive analysis of the impact of political developments in the Council of Europe to the scientific literature; • • Chance to be the first to analyse the new complementary joint procedure; • • Based on the findings concerning their efficiency and capacity, the thesis could contribute to evaluating the role and opportunities of multilateral organisations, especially the Council of Europe; • • The conclusions of the research could assist the actions of the diplomacy in multilateral frameworks, contribute to fine-tuning the general perception of manoeuvring room in multilateral diplomacy.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Villanueva, Prince Aian G.;
    Country: Hungary

    Quantitative, and to a much lesser degree qualitative, research is the dominant approach to corruption. However, the call to investigate the contextual dependencies of corruption is brought about by the failure of anti-corruption approaches that do not tackle other actors or institutions and issues simultaneously. One approach that can tackle the complex nature of corruption from this perspective but remains wanting in corruption research is Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). Much more limited is the application of QCA in understanding civil society’s anti-corruption role. The supposed place of civil society in anti-corruption is even more compounded by contemporary events that directly assault their presence in countries, regardless of the type of government or economic development in place. This closing of civic space phenomenon is part of the broader democratic backsliding or autocratization that has pervaded even long standing and consolidated democracies. Locating the place of civil society given such contexts poses a daunting challenge, as one may ask: if democratic grounds are backsliding, where are anti-corruption efforts anchored on? As such, the dissertation intends to look at configurations of (democratic) political institutions that enhance or mitigate corruption while trying to locate the position occupied by civil society in this respect. Taking a cue from the civil society-corruption nexus and the broader democracy-corruption linkage scholarship, with institutionalism as an overarching theory, the dissertation hopes to contribute to the discourse via three related studies. Results • The first of these serves as a springboard for the argument that civil society cannot battle corruption all alone. While internal civil society characteristics may have a part in corruption mitigation, through a large-N quantitative analysis, the study highlights the importance of civil society environment, transparency of laws and predictability of enforcement and rigorousness and impartiality of public administration on corruption. • Noting that the formula derived from regression analyses shows the average net effects of the independent variables, the second study looks at the combinatorial effects of conditions necessary and/or sufficient for the outcome high perceived corruption to occur through fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA). o The configurational analysis of 33 episodes of contemporary autocratization from the third wave (1994- 2017) confirm the conditionality of civil society’s effects as the condition robust civil society organizations combines with the presence of extensive media freedoms and simultaneously the presence of wide and independent public deliberations to produce the outcome high perceived corruption. o The pathway to corruption in these states experiencing autocratization also includes two sufficient conditions: the presence of high political exclusion as well as the absence of sociopolitical integration. No necessary precondition was found for the outcome presence of high perceived corruption. Given the pretext of equifinality and multifinality in QCA, the third study extends the second but in the context of 30 democracies that did not experience substantial autocratization episodes in the same given period. o The results are interesting although not surprising under the theoretical underpinnings of QCA: the absence of high perceived corruption in non-autocratizing states is not brought about by robust civil society organizations (in their presence or absence; or individually or in combination with other conditions) but instead by the presence of wide and independent public deliberations combined with the absence of high political exclusion. The latter is also a necessary condition for the outcome of interest. o While the conditionality of civil society’s effect is confirmed in the second study, the third highlights the possibility of the differential impacts of civil society depending on context. Limitations of the dissertation are discussed and venues for future research are presented.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Kollárik, Ferenc;
    Country: Hungary

    The development trajectory of the European Union (EU) has always been a key question in the history of the integration. The significance of this issue became even more topical after the so-called Great Recession of 2008-2009, which further exacerbated economic, social and political problems of the EU. The negative impacts were most evident in the Eurozone, since the sovereign debt crisis jeopardized the entire Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). The crises made it clear that the EMU had been malfunctioning due to its incompleteness. Recognizing these failures and shortcomings, member states decided to launch reforms in order to strengthen the structure of European Economic Governance (EEG). However, the issue of sovereignty and economic nationalism (protectionism) came again to the forefront of public debates, which made it difficult to improve the functioning of the EMU. The story is very important from theoretical perspective as well, since various theories and approaches provide different narratives and frameworks to interpret the events. The dissertation takes neofunctionalism as a theoretical framework in explaining the Eurozone crisis management. In relation to this, the major question of the thesis is whether the crisis management can be adequately explained by the methodological toolkit of the theory. The dissertation contributes to the existing scholarly literature in three different ways. First, neofunctionalism (and integration theory in general) is an extremely underresearched area in Hungary. Accordingly, works on the European Union that study the integration in neofunctionalist approach, cannot be found in the Hungarian literature. Primarily, the thesis, which interprets neofunctionalism as a separate research program, intends to fill this gap, even if the dissertation is written in English. Chapter 2 provides an exhaustive review and systematization of the Neofunctionalist Research Program (NRP), which is also a novelty in the international literature. Second, relating to the previous point, the other novelty of the dissertation is our own neofunctionalist model that introduces a new conceptual and methodological framework. The model synthetizes previous versions of neofunctionalism, and other relating approaches. The objective of this modified (complex) framework is to provide an adequate analytical framework with which we can understand and describe long-run development (evolution) of the EU and other regional integrations. Finally, the thesis extends the investigation period of the theory, and examines the explanatory power of neofunctionalism in the post-crisis period (in the uncertainty phase). Chapter 3 introduces the anatomy of the sovereign debt crisis while focusing on institutional incompleteness of the EMU. The chapter also analyzes and summarizes the reforms of the EEG and concludes that the strengthening of economic and fiscal cooperation may be best explained by recent approaches such as New Intergovernmentalism and New Supranationalism. At the same time, it has to be noted that new elements/mechanism (or some of them) might be a springboard towards a deeper integration in the future. Finally, Chapter 4 analyzes two exploratory case studies of the post-crisis period, the European Banking Union (EBU) and the European Fiscal union (EFU). The analysis is based on the modified neofunctionalist model. The results are ambivalent. In the case of EBU, both spillover triggers and vertical institutional outcomes can be identified, which proves the existence of spillover. However, in spite of strong functional, (EU-level) political and institutional triggers, the implementation process of the EFU became standstill. In sum, we conclude that neofunctionalism is still relevant in explaining long-run developments of the European integration.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Harmat, Vanda;
    Country: Hungary

    A szervezeti folyamatok automatizálására alkalmazott eszközök hatékonyságának a vizsgálata számos nemzetközi (Willcocks-Lacity-Craig, 2015; Fernandez-Aman, 2018; Papageorgiou, 2018) és hazai (Kő-Fehér-Szabó, 2019; Marciniak-Móricz-Baksa, 2020; Demeter és munkatársai, 2020; Horváth, 2020) publikáció témáját képezi, azonban a társas aspektusok figyelembevétele is egyre inkább jellemző a technológiákkal kapcsolatos kutatásokra, kiindulva a társas interfész elméletből, mely szerint az emberek a technológia által közvetített kommunikáció során is úgy reagálnak, mintha élő entitás lenne a partnerük (Mehra, 2021, p.1.). Ilyen mesterséges interakciót folytatnak a chatbotok is, amelyek a szociális szituáció érzésének a megtapasztalását képesek előidézni az egyénben a vele folytatott kommunikáció során (Nass-Moon, 2000), számos kihívást generálva ezáltal, mind az interfész fejlesztése (Følstad-Brandtzæg, 2017), mind az ágens szervezeti adaptálása kapcsán (Brachten-Kissmer-Stieglitz, 2021). Az ember-chatbot interakció irodalmán belül számos publikáció vizsgálta a chatbothoz való viszonyulást (Rapp-Curti-Boldi, 2021), ugyanakkor ezen cikkek többsége az általános felhasználó (kísérleti alany laboratóriumi környezetben), illetve a fogyasztók (létező vállalatok ügyfelei) szemszögéből vizsgálta a jelenséget. Szervezeti kontextusban a menedzserek (Jang-Jung-Kim, 2021), illetve a munkavállalók (Brachten-Kissmer-Stieglitz, 2021) perspektívájából ezidáig igen kevés kutatás célozta feltárni az ember-chatbot interakció magatartásra gyakorolt hatását. A szakirodalom áttekintése során azonosított kutatási rés, a tudományfilozófiai alapállásom által meghatározott chatbotokkal kapcsolatos felfogásom - mely szerint az interaktív ágenseket nem tőlünk függetlenül létező valóságként, hanem az egyének által adott jelentések eredményeként kialakult entitásokként értelemezem -, valamint a konstruktivista elméletek áttekintése során megismert jelentésadás perspektíva (Weick, 1995) vezettek el a disszertációm céljának meghatározásához, amely annak a feltárása, hogy az ember és a HR chatbot közötti interakció milyen jelentésadási folyamatokat generál a szervezetben. A vizsgálat helyszínét egy HR chatbotot alkalmazó multinacionális vállalat hazai szervezetei jelentették, ahol húsz félig strukturált interjút készítettem, melyek interpretatív fenomenológiai analízissel kerültek elemzésre. Az adat-trianguláció biztosítása érdekében web-tartalomelemzést és dokumentumelemzést is végeztem induktív tartalomkódolással. Az empirikus vizsgálatom eredményeként a technológiának történő jelentésadás szakirodalmát a következőkkel gazdagítottam: 1) kilenc chatbotnak adott jelentést tártam fel, 2) azonosítottam a hozzájuk kapcsolódó akciókat. A HR chatbotok tekintetében és a HR-sek szemszögéből ezidáig egyetlen tanulmány sem tárta fel a szervezeti belső kommunikáció automatizálására alkalmazott virtuális ágensekhez való viszonyulást. Kutatási eredményeim az ember-chatbot interakció kutatási területéhez járulnak hozzá a következőkkel: 1) a HR-sek szemszögéből is vizsgáltam a chatbothoz való viszonyulást szervezeti kontextusban, 2) HR chatbot kapcsán vizsgáltam a felhasználói viszonyulást.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Kása, Bálint;
    Country: Hungary

    • A vizsgált periódus alatt számos jel utalt Oye nemzetközi rezsimek megtorló mechanizmusára vonatkozó elméletének pontatlanságára. Bizonyos tagok politikai súlya érzékelhetően befolyásolta a szervezeteken belüli folyamatokat akár a bürokratikus folyamatok lelassításával, akár más módon, hogy ezzel a saját agendájuknak kedvezzenek s ezáltal a közös célokat hátráltassák. • Hinnebusch proxy környezetekről szóló elmélete ugyanakkor azért pontos, mert a belföldi instabilitást követő külső beavatkozások, melyek rezsimellenes csoportokat támogattak, végül egy olyan status quo-ba torkollottak, ahol különböző csoportok támaszkodtak külső forrásokra, hogy saját érdekeiknek megfelelő környezet kialakítására tegyenek kísérletet. Ez állt annak az eszkalációnak a hátterében mely során a forradalomból lassan egy proxy háború alakult ki, melyben a belföldi szereplők befolyása alkalmanként a külföldi támogatóik számától függött. Ugyanakkor előfordult az is, hogy a proxyk erősen függővé váltak mestereiktől, Haftár helyzetének alakulásán keresztül igyekszik ezt bemutatni a disszertáció. Az ide vonatkozó képlet szerint minél kevesebb számú (de egynél nem kevesebb) mestere volt egy helyi szereplőnek, annál sebezhetőbbé vált. • A líbiai proxyk és mestereik kapcsolata egy érdekorientált, intenzitását tekintve fluktuáló pályát követett. A legpontosabb leírást egy köztes modell tudna adni, melyben a helyi proxyk prominens szerepe a mesterek által nyújtott sorsdöntő támogatással együtt lenne igazán hatékonynak értelmezhető. • A nemzetközi szervezetek működésének hatékonysága súlyosan csorbult a tagállamok stratégiáinak megfelelő harmonizálása és elrettentő módszerek hiányában. • A szervezeteken belüli együttműködés hatékonysága súlyosan sérülékeny, ha a tagállamok közti viselkedési normák nincsenek megfelelően harmonizálva, és nincsenek megfelelően elrettentő retorziók kilátásba helyezve az esetleges kihágások esetére. • A hozzájárulás mértéke nem volt összhangban a gyakorolt befolyás mértékével. Másfelől viszont a magasabb kockázatok nagyobb eséllyel kényszerítettek ki nagyobb hozzájárulást. • Direkt összefüggés volt megfigyelhető a fenyegetések növekedése és a korábban már fennálló, ugyanakkor nem elég harmonizált szövetségesi tagállamok valós stratégiáinak közeledése között. Hasonlóképp összefüggés volt látható a rezsimeken belüli érdekelvű rivalizálások csökkenése és az ezen szövetségek konfliktuskezelési hatékonyságának javulása között is. • Az orosz stratégia elemzése rávilágított a kereskedelmi és geopolitikai érdekek uralmára, egyben az esetleges ideológiai érdekek negligálására.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Krátki, Noémi;
    Country: Hungary

    Cikkalapú disszertációm a hazai társadalmi vállalkozások üzleti sajátosságait egyfelől társadalmi vállalkozás oldalról, azon belül is az egészségügyi és szociális területeken működő társadalmi vállalkozások példáján vizsgálja, továbbá vállalkozás fejlesztői oldalról megközelítve, azon belüli is a hazai társadalmi vállalkozásokat üzleti szempontból fejlesztő szervezetek fejlesztési folyamatainak, azok során alkalmazott üzleti modelleken, eszközökön keresztül tárja fel. Kiindulópontom, hogy a társadalmi vállalkozások olyan szervezetek, amelyek kettős céllal bírnak, elsődleges céljuk valamilyen társadalmi érték megteremtése, másodlagos céljuk pedig ennek pénzügyi megvalósítása. Vizsgálatom tárgyát azok a társadalmi vállalkozások képezik, amelyek alkalmazzák az üzleti szemléletet, továbbá üzleti bevételtermelő képességgel rendelkeznek. Irodalmi áttekintésemben megvizsgáltam a társadalmi vállalkozások elméleti megközelítéseit, majd a társadalmi vállalkozások működési tipológiáját tártam fel. Üzleti működésük vizsgálatához, a társadalmi vállalkozások üzleti modelljeinek, illetve ezek fejlesztésének és fejlesztőinek szakirodalmát dolgoztam fel. A disszertáció cikkei kvalitatív és vegyes kutatási módszertannal készültek el, amelyből kettő cikk esettanulmány. A kutatások során társszerzőimmel feltártuk a hazai társadalmi vállalkozások működését befolyásoló kulcsszereplőket, továbbá finanszírozási modelleket térképeztünk fel. Megvizsgáltam a hazai fejlesztő szervezetek típusait, munkájuk folyamatait, eszközeit. Kutatásom alapján a piaci alapú működés újszerűnek mondható, vannak olyan szervezetek, amelyek fő bevételi forrásuk mellé alakítanak ki saját értékesítésből fakadó bevételi forrásokat és vannak olyanok, amelyek csak és kizárólag saját értékesítési tevékenységeikből kívánnak működni. Egyelőre a működési környezetből fakadó kulcsszereplők által generált korlátok és lehetőségek nagyban befolyásolják a társadalmi vállalkozások működését. Ennek egyik elsődleges szempontja a pénzügyi korlátok jelenléte, az állami szférától való finanszírozási függés. A fejlesztő szervezetek célja az alapvető és a már összetettebb üzleti működés átadása és fenntartása. Módszereiket és eszközeiket a hagyományos üzleti szektorból vették át, amelyeket a társadalmi vállalkozások igényeire specializálnak.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Kassai, Ákos;
    Country: Hungary

    There has been recently an emerging academic debate on entrepreneurial leadership style and related contingency models No generally accepted model for entrepreneurial leadership style and its measurement has arisen so far. This research contributes to the debate by summarizing what scholars have achieved so far, but more importantly, it introduces a new approach with applying leadership competencies for constructing the model of entrepreneurial leadership styles. The ultimate objective of this research is to understand what leadership styles entrepreneurs employ to overcome challenges they face during the entrepreneurial process. This work aims to contribute both theory and practice by proposing a comprehensive model for entrepreneurial leadership styles by applying entrepreneurial competencies. The study relies on a multi-step research process that combines qualitative and quantitative elements and employs methodological triangulation. Successful entrepreneurs employ various leadership strategies and rely on a wide range of leadership competencies to achieve their goals. The paper presents the list of and ranking of the most critical entrepreneurial leadership competencies required for entrepreneurs to succeed. The research identified five leadership dimensions, four leadership styles, and the paper explains the characteristics, strengths and weaknesses, common pitfalls, and development needs of entrepreneurs style by style. Four leadership competency dimensions (Imagination, Social, Execution, Organizational) found in the research help to explain how successful entrepreneurs apply diverse leadership styles to achieve their goals. A fifth leadership dimension (Personal) presents the leadership competency dimension that separates entrepreneurs from the rest of the World. This leadership dimension contributes to answering the question of who becomes an entrepreneur. The study also found that adapting their leadership style to the situation and the life phase of a venture is essential for selecting the appropriate leadership competencies. Entrepreneurial leadership is situational. It was shown that the appropriate entrepreneurial leadership style is contingent on the situation and the development life-stage of the venture is a relevant factor to that. Entrepreneurs with the style of “Lonely Wolf “may kick-start their business in the phases of “inception” and “survival”, but the leadership style of “Team Builder” and “Architect” is far more often observed at entrepreneurs who can scale their business and graduate their venture to the phases of “growth”, “expansion” and “maturity”. “Explorer” entrepreneurial leadership style is particularly useful when a venture develops or reinvents its product or service offering or makes a shift in its corporate strategy. A diverse and adaptable set of competencies is required to build a business; an entrepreneurial partnership of individuals with complementary leadership competencies is often the key for entrepreneurial success.

  • Other research product . 2022
    Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Zubor-Nemes, Anna;
    Country: Hungary

    The agricultural sector is heavily exposed to the impact of climate change and the more common extreme weather events. This exposure can have significant impacts on agricultural production. To deal with the financial impacts caused by natural hazards, crop insurance is an appropriate tool (Di Falco et al., 2014). In addition to crop insurance purchase, to maximize agriculture’s mitigation potential regarding to weather-related risks, there is a need for investments in technological innovation and agricultural intensification related to increased efficiency of input usage (Vermeulen et al., 2012). The dissertation aimed to explore the influencing factors of crop insurance take-up and evaluate the effect of crop insurance purchase on technical efficiency and farm investment, and analyse the interrelationship between these factors based on three articles. The analysis was carried out using quantitative methods, such as Moran’s I index, dynamic spatial autoregressive model, various probit models, DEA method with double bootstrap and system of simultaneous equations based on crop insurance data collected by Research Institute of Agricultural Economics (AKI), on utilised area data from the Integrated Administration and on FADN data. The main results of the dissertation: • The intensity of crop insurance take-up has a spatial pattern, as farmers’ insurance decision are influenced by the decisions of nearby producers. In addition, neighbouring farms can face similar weather-related risks which also provide an explanation for the similar insurance decision. • Crop insurance level is influenced by the rate of fruit production and vegetable production in total crop production for all types of subsidised insurance taken together. A high share of fruit production discourages participation in the subsidised insurance system, which can be explained by the typical damage scale, the relative high insurance premium for fruit crops and the low-risk appetite of insurers. However, vegetable producers are more likely to purchase for crop insurance, which can be explained by the high-risk exposure and the moderate insurance premium rates. • Crop diversification increases crop insurance usage, which suggests that a farmer with a diversified crop production structure may also willing to purchase crop insurance to further reduce weather-related risks. Hungarian farmers do not tend to treat crop diversification as a substitute for crop insurance usage, rather it is a complementary tool to reduce risk. • Older farmers might be more risk averse; therefore, they were more likely to purchase crop insurance. • Return on equity (ROE) does not impact significantly on crop insurance demand, suggesting that the premium subsidies, which were available the end of the period examined, helped to relax the budget constraints on Hungarian farms. • Crop insurance purchase effects significantly and positively on technical efficiency, suggesting that the safety provided by the insurance also might contribute to introduce new technology and to develop technical efficiency. • Both technical efficiency and farm investment encourage crop insurance take-up, suggesting that managers of farms with higher technical efficiency and higher level of investment also consider carefully other aspects of production, like crop insurance decision. In addition, crop insurance purchase increases technical efficiency and farm investment by providing a safety net. As a result, policy interventions that stimulate any of the three factors can potentially have additional positive impacts through spill-over effects on other factors, consequently, these farms’ resilience to the impact of extreme weather events and climate change might be further improved.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Farkas, Xénia;
    Country: Hungary

    Visuals are integral part of our life, and it is also true for political communication. Political posters and advertisements are not only visible on television, the streets but everywhere on the Internet, especially on social media. It is highly unlikely to go through our Facebook newsfeed without seeing any political visuals, such as photos, videos, or gifs. These visuals have a huge influencing impact, as they are processed quicker than verbal and textual information, sometimes even unconsciously. This is well-known by the political actors as well, and they are using images as part of their strategic toolkit to influence voters. However, political communication research has not reflected on these processes for a long period. Fortunately, this tendency started to change in the past decade, and research on visual political communication, or as Bucy and Joo (2021) calls it, visual politics, gained momentum. The present article-based dissertation aims to contribute to this emerging research area, as due to the relative novelty of the research field, a number of research questions remain to be answered. The thesis provides insights into three related studies that apply visual content analysis. To better understand visual political communication on social media, visual personalization strategies, and their effects on different social media platforms are studied. Further, the similarities and differences between populist and non-populist parties’ visual communication are described. The populist style of an exemplary populist leader is also tested across different periods and modalities. Additionally, portable coding instruments that allow visual, and bimodal investigations related to political communication strategies, personalization, and populism were created and published in order to increase research in the field.

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  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Samay, Mohammad Ali;
    Country: Hungary

    The dissertation has four main chapters. I begin with the discussion of the philosophical and historical concept of Eurasia (Chapter No 2.). This contains an overview on contemporary political and security concerns of the great powers in Eurasia and a deep analytical study of philosophy and history of the terms Eurasianism(s), followed by subchapters such as: the standpoint of the United States in Eurasia, the strategic path of Russia in Eurasia, the strategic view of Turkey to Eurasia, China’s standpoint on Eurasia and India from Indo-Pacific to Eurasia. I found that Eurasian powers are capable to develop a global partnership model at the inter-regional and international level by challenging post-Soviet unipolar world order. I argue that this step generates conflicts and misunderstandings in high-level politics between Eurasian powers and the West, represented by organizations like NATO and the European Union. I believe that the era of misunderstanding will concede its place to “genuin strategic partnership and trans-Eurasian security system” applied by Brzezinski, Z. (Brzezinski, Z., 1997) between Eurasia and Europe, on the one hand, and Eurasian powers and the US, on the other. I made the argumentation that the Eurasian continent is divided between several nations and sovereign countries in three different levels: great, middle, and small powers. No unique power has the real capacity to shape or reassert an empire in order to rule the Heartland, WorldIsland to command the world. The bilateral and multilateral relations between Eurasian countries or powers are based on mutual recognition and equality. I proved the only issue that involve Eurasian powers outside their territory or borders are their inherited historical, cultural, and geopolitical frontiers. In the current geopolitical structure of world politics, the case of influence over international or regional initiatives is the issue of interest among countries seeking global or regional hegemony. The Heartland and the World Island in Eurasia are places where the frontiers and interests of all Eurasian powers meet or even encircle into one other. Because of this complex structure, regionalism or regional integration is a considerable part of their foreign policies. According to my findings, Halford Mackinder had addressed the geopolitical significance of the Heartland under the era of historical empires from a classical realistic point of view. My opinion is the implementation of such a political order or returning to the 20th century political settlement in the current international political, economic, and security structure is impossible. At the same time the Eurasian great powers failed to establish the western type liberal and neo-liberal political order. I raised the idea of fourth political theory that could lay an adaptable political structure or framework among and across the region. The next (No 3.) chapter focuses on the economic, trade, and geopolitical relations between Eurasian powers, and has two main parts. The first part contains an overview on IntraRIC+T (Russia, India, China + Turkey) investment and trade relations providing data about India-China, India-Russia, Russia-China, Russia-German and Russia-Europe trade and economic relations and the discusses the case of geopolitical and geostrategic interests of given countries. The second part of the chapter discusses the complexity of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). The influence and contribution of BRICS in world politics and economics, intra-BRICS achievements and failures, the case of BRICS New Development Bank and the case of intra-BRICS investment and trade are the main terms of this part. I will also try to make a theoretical background for the process to find what kind of cooperation BRICS is primarily involved in, whether it is a new occurrence in the global partnership era and what mechanisms and projections could raise a better and deeper economic cooperation and integration between these nations by applying theories of global and regional economic integration in the conclusion. The next (No 4.) chapter focuses on the Eurasian Economic Union. The subchapters in this part of my dissertation are: the treaty of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), Russia and the EAEU, the historical and evolutional background of the EAEU, and the economic situation and the results of the EAEU in present. The last chapter is the conclusion section which contains an analytical outcome of the dissertation. For data collection to conduct my study, I used secondary sources such as books, journal and online articles related to the topic and official statistics and indicators from the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and International Trade Centre etc.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Tóth-Ferenci, Adrienn;
    Country: Hungary

    The context of the current research is the crisis of the multilateral framework, since scepticism of effective multilateralism has been growing in recent years. The thesis focuses on the particular situation of the Council of Europe, and intends to examine the correlation between the soft power human rights instruments, the “normative institutionalism” and the classical, “power” realism. The dissertation aims to present one political (suspension of voting rights of the Russian parliamentary delegation in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe) and one legal case study (reluctant implementation of the judgement of the European Court of Human Rights) to illustrate the political and legal difficulties the Council of Europe faces. After a qualitative analysis I seek an answer to the question, how the organisation can solve the challenges resulting from the reappearance of power realism in an intergovernmental organisation with the protection of human rights as a core mission. How, in other words, to solve its own Copenhagen dilemma. The concrete research questions are as follows: 1) “Could the recent political and legal challenges to effective multilateralism endanger the functioning of the Council of Europe in the long run?” 2) Could normative institutionalism prevail over the great powers’ geopolitical interests, and if so, to what extent?” The thesis also intends to examine the enlargement dilemma of the organisation in the mid-nineties, whether to invite the Eastern European countries to join before they were in compliance with the main standards or to delay their accession until their legal and institutional structures were closer to European standards. This Chapter is highly relevant for the initial hypothesis, which is that the Eastern enlargement with the accession of the Russian Federation as a great power largely contributed to the political and legal challenges of the Council of Europe. The way I intend to conduct the research is partly based on my personal experiences in 1999 and between 2011 and 2016 in the Council of Europe, when I served in Strasbourg, as deputy to the Permanent Representative of Hungary to the Council of Europe. In this capacity I actively participated in the work of four rapporteur groups preparing the decision-making process of the Committee of Ministers and in the Human Rights (DH) sessions of the Ministers’ Deputies responsible for the supervision of the execution of the Strasbourg Court’s judgements. I also followed the activity of the Parliamentary Assembly in recent years, between 2016 and 2020. In addition, I am currently the Hungarian delegate in two institutions of the Council of Europe, the Steering Committee on Anti-Discrimination, Diversity and Inclusion (CDADI) and in the Governing Board of the Observatory on History Teaching. I also build on the evaluations of the semi-structured interviews with high-ranking officials of the Council of Europe and of the Hungarian foreign service. As the sources are very limited, there is no academic literature analysing these developments, the interviews with competent officials are of utmost importance. The list of interviewees covers different nationals of the Council of Europe working in the structure of the Committee of Ministers and the Parliamentary Assembly on the one hand, politicians of the Parliamentary Assembly and high ranking diplomats of the Hungarian foreign service on the other. It should be also noted that the structure of the thesis was determined in 2020, long before the war between the Russian Federation and Ukraine. However, this war in a neighbouring state has had a major impact on this research, therefore the exclusion of the Russian Federation from the Council of Europe, and its assessment will form an integral part of this research. Based on the conclusions of the thesis, the followings could be the new scientific results: • • Contribution to the general literature focusing on the future role of multilateral organisations; • • Providing a comprehensive analysis of the impact of political developments in the Council of Europe to the scientific literature; • • Chance to be the first to analyse the new complementary joint procedure; • • Based on the findings concerning their efficiency and capacity, the thesis could contribute to evaluating the role and opportunities of multilateral organisations, especially the Council of Europe; • • The conclusions of the research could assist the actions of the diplomacy in multilateral frameworks, contribute to fine-tuning the general perception of manoeuvring room in multilateral diplomacy.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Villanueva, Prince Aian G.;
    Country: Hungary

    Quantitative, and to a much lesser degree qualitative, research is the dominant approach to corruption. However, the call to investigate the contextual dependencies of corruption is brought about by the failure of anti-corruption approaches that do not tackle other actors or institutions and issues simultaneously. One approach that can tackle the complex nature of corruption from this perspective but remains wanting in corruption research is Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). Much more limited is the application of QCA in understanding civil society’s anti-corruption role. The supposed place of civil society in anti-corruption is even more compounded by contemporary events that directly assault their presence in countries, regardless of the type of government or economic development in place. This closing of civic space phenomenon is part of the broader democratic backsliding or autocratization that has pervaded even long standing and consolidated democracies. Locating the place of civil society given such contexts poses a daunting challenge, as one may ask: if democratic grounds are backsliding, where are anti-corruption efforts anchored on? As such, the dissertation intends to look at configurations of (democratic) political institutions that enhance or mitigate corruption while trying to locate the position occupied by civil society in this respect. Taking a cue from the civil society-corruption nexus and the broader democracy-corruption linkage scholarship, with institutionalism as an overarching theory, the dissertation hopes to contribute to the discourse via three related studies. Results • The first of these serves as a springboard for the argument that civil society cannot battle corruption all alone. While internal civil society characteristics may have a part in corruption mitigation, through a large-N quantitative analysis, the study highlights the importance of civil society environment, transparency of laws and predictability of enforcement and rigorousness and impartiality of public administration on corruption. • Noting that the formula derived from regression analyses shows the average net effects of the independent variables, the second study looks at the combinatorial effects of conditions necessary and/or sufficient for the outcome high perceived corruption to occur through fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA). o The configurational analysis of 33 episodes of contemporary autocratization from the third wave (1994- 2017) confirm the conditionality of civil society’s effects as the condition robust civil society organizations combines with the presence of extensive media freedoms and simultaneously the presence of wide and independent public deliberations to produce the outcome high perceived corruption. o The pathway to corruption in these states experiencing autocratization also includes two sufficient conditions: the presence of high political exclusion as well as the absence of sociopolitical integration. No necessary precondition was found for the outcome presence of high perceived corruption. Given the pretext of equifinality and multifinality in QCA, the third study extends the second but in the context of 30 democracies that did not experience substantial autocratization episodes in the same given period. o The results are interesting although not surprising under the theoretical underpinnings of QCA: the absence of high perceived corruption in non-autocratizing states is not brought about by robust civil society organizations (in their presence or absence; or individually or in combination with other conditions) but instead by the presence of wide and independent public deliberations combined with the absence of high political exclusion. The latter is also a necessary condition for the outcome of interest. o While the conditionality of civil society’s effect is confirmed in the second study, the third highlights the possibility of the differential impacts of civil society depending on context. Limitations of the dissertation are discussed and venues for future research are presented.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Kollárik, Ferenc;
    Country: Hungary

    The development trajectory of the European Union (EU) has always been a key question in the history of the integration. The significance of this issue became even more topical after the so-called Great Recession of 2008-2009, which further exacerbated economic, social and political problems of the EU. The negative impacts were most evident in the Eurozone, since the sovereign debt crisis jeopardized the entire Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). The crises made it clear that the EMU had been malfunctioning due to its incompleteness. Recognizing these failures and shortcomings, member states decided to launch reforms in order to strengthen the structure of European Economic Governance (EEG). However, the issue of sovereignty and economic nationalism (protectionism) came again to the forefront of public debates, which made it difficult to improve the functioning of the EMU. The story is very important from theoretical perspective as well, since various theories and approaches provide different narratives and frameworks to interpret the events. The dissertation takes neofunctionalism as a theoretical framework in explaining the Eurozone crisis management. In relation to this, the major question of the thesis is whether the crisis management can be adequately explained by the methodological toolkit of the theory. The dissertation contributes to the existing scholarly literature in three different ways. First, neofunctionalism (and integration theory in general) is an extremely underresearched area in Hungary. Accordingly, works on the European Union that study the integration in neofunctionalist approach, cannot be found in the Hungarian literature. Primarily, the thesis, which interprets neofunctionalism as a separate research program, intends to fill this gap, even if the dissertation is written in English. Chapter 2 provides an exhaustive review and systematization of the Neofunctionalist Research Program (NRP), which is also a novelty in the international literature. Second, relating to the previous point, the other novelty of the dissertation is our own neofunctionalist model that introduces a new conceptual and methodological framework. The model synthetizes previous versions of neofunctionalism, and other relating approaches. The objective of this modified (complex) framework is to provide an adequate analytical framework with which we can understand and describe long-run development (evolution) of the EU and other regional integrations. Finally, the thesis extends the investigation period of the theory, and examines the explanatory power of neofunctionalism in the post-crisis period (in the uncertainty phase). Chapter 3 introduces the anatomy of the sovereign debt crisis while focusing on institutional incompleteness of the EMU. The chapter also analyzes and summarizes the reforms of the EEG and concludes that the strengthening of economic and fiscal cooperation may be best explained by recent approaches such as New Intergovernmentalism and New Supranationalism. At the same time, it has to be noted that new elements/mechanism (or some of them) might be a springboard towards a deeper integration in the future. Finally, Chapter 4 analyzes two exploratory case studies of the post-crisis period, the European Banking Union (EBU) and the European Fiscal union (EFU). The analysis is based on the modified neofunctionalist model. The results are ambivalent. In the case of EBU, both spillover triggers and vertical institutional outcomes can be identified, which proves the existence of spillover. However, in spite of strong functional, (EU-level) political and institutional triggers, the implementation process of the EFU became standstill. In sum, we conclude that neofunctionalism is still relevant in explaining long-run developments of the European integration.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Harmat, Vanda;
    Country: Hungary

    A szervezeti folyamatok automatizálására alkalmazott eszközök hatékonyságának a vizsgálata számos nemzetközi (Willcocks-Lacity-Craig, 2015; Fernandez-Aman, 2018; Papageorgiou, 2018) és hazai (Kő-Fehér-Szabó, 2019; Marciniak-Móricz-Baksa, 2020; Demeter és munkatársai, 2020; Horváth, 2020) publikáció témáját képezi, azonban a társas aspektusok figyelembevétele is egyre inkább jellemző a technológiákkal kapcsolatos kutatásokra, kiindulva a társas interfész elméletből, mely szerint az emberek a technológia által közvetített kommunikáció során is úgy reagálnak, mintha élő entitás lenne a partnerük (Mehra, 2021, p.1.). Ilyen mesterséges interakciót folytatnak a chatbotok is, amelyek a szociális szituáció érzésének a megtapasztalását képesek előidézni az egyénben a vele folytatott kommunikáció során (Nass-Moon, 2000), számos kihívást generálva ezáltal, mind az interfész fejlesztése (Følstad-Brandtzæg, 2017), mind az ágens szervezeti adaptálása kapcsán (Brachten-Kissmer-Stieglitz, 2021). Az ember-chatbot interakció irodalmán belül számos publikáció vizsgálta a chatbothoz való viszonyulást (Rapp-Curti-Boldi, 2021), ugyanakkor ezen cikkek többsége az általános felhasználó (kísérleti alany laboratóriumi környezetben), illetve a fogyasztók (létező vállalatok ügyfelei) szemszögéből vizsgálta a jelenséget. Szervezeti kontextusban a menedzserek (Jang-Jung-Kim, 2021), illetve a munkavállalók (Brachten-Kissmer-Stieglitz, 2021) perspektívájából ezidáig igen kevés kutatás célozta feltárni az ember-chatbot interakció magatartásra gyakorolt hatását. A szakirodalom áttekintése során azonosított kutatási rés, a tudományfilozófiai alapállásom által meghatározott chatbotokkal kapcsolatos felfogásom - mely szerint az interaktív ágenseket nem tőlünk függetlenül létező valóságként, hanem az egyének által adott jelentések eredményeként kialakult entitásokként értelemezem -, valamint a konstruktivista elméletek áttekintése során megismert jelentésadás perspektíva (Weick, 1995) vezettek el a disszertációm céljának meghatározásához, amely annak a feltárása, hogy az ember és a HR chatbot közötti interakció milyen jelentésadási folyamatokat generál a szervezetben. A vizsgálat helyszínét egy HR chatbotot alkalmazó multinacionális vállalat hazai szervezetei jelentették, ahol húsz félig strukturált interjút készítettem, melyek interpretatív fenomenológiai analízissel kerültek elemzésre. Az adat-trianguláció biztosítása érdekében web-tartalomelemzést és dokumentumelemzést is végeztem induktív tartalomkódolással. Az empirikus vizsgálatom eredményeként a technológiának történő jelentésadás szakirodalmát a következőkkel gazdagítottam: 1) kilenc chatbotnak adott jelentést tártam fel, 2) azonosítottam a hozzájuk kapcsolódó akciókat. A HR chatbotok tekintetében és a HR-sek szemszögéből ezidáig egyetlen tanulmány sem tárta fel a szervezeti belső kommunikáció automatizálására alkalmazott virtuális ágensekhez való viszonyulást. Kutatási eredményeim az ember-chatbot interakció kutatási területéhez járulnak hozzá a következőkkel: 1) a HR-sek szemszögéből is vizsgáltam a chatbothoz való viszonyulást szervezeti kontextusban, 2) HR chatbot kapcsán vizsgáltam a felhasználói viszonyulást.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Kása, Bálint;
    Country: Hungary

    • A vizsgált periódus alatt számos jel utalt Oye nemzetközi rezsimek megtorló mechanizmusára vonatkozó elméletének pontatlanságára. Bizonyos tagok politikai súlya érzékelhetően befolyásolta a szervezeteken belüli folyamatokat akár a bürokratikus folyamatok lelassításával, akár más módon, hogy ezzel a saját agendájuknak kedvezzenek s ezáltal a közös célokat hátráltassák. • Hinnebusch proxy környezetekről szóló elmélete ugyanakkor azért pontos, mert a belföldi instabilitást követő külső beavatkozások, melyek rezsimellenes csoportokat támogattak, végül egy olyan status quo-ba torkollottak, ahol különböző csoportok támaszkodtak külső forrásokra, hogy saját érdekeiknek megfelelő környezet kialakítására tegyenek kísérletet. Ez állt annak az eszkalációnak a hátterében mely során a forradalomból lassan egy proxy háború alakult ki, melyben a belföldi szereplők befolyása alkalmanként a külföldi támogatóik számától függött. Ugyanakkor előfordult az is, hogy a proxyk erősen függővé váltak mestereiktől, Haftár helyzetének alakulásán keresztül igyekszik ezt bemutatni a disszertáció. Az ide vonatkozó képlet szerint minél kevesebb számú (de egynél nem kevesebb) mestere volt egy helyi szereplőnek, annál sebezhetőbbé vált. • A líbiai proxyk és mestereik kapcsolata egy érdekorientált, intenzitását tekintve fluktuáló pályát követett. A legpontosabb leírást egy köztes modell tudna adni, melyben a helyi proxyk prominens szerepe a mesterek által nyújtott sorsdöntő támogatással együtt lenne igazán hatékonynak értelmezhető. • A nemzetközi szervezetek működésének hatékonysága súlyosan csorbult a tagállamok stratégiáinak megfelelő harmonizálása és elrettentő módszerek hiányában. • A szervezeteken belüli együttműködés hatékonysága súlyosan sérülékeny, ha a tagállamok közti viselkedési normák nincsenek megfelelően harmonizálva, és nincsenek megfelelően elrettentő retorziók kilátásba helyezve az esetleges kihágások esetére. • A hozzájárulás mértéke nem volt összhangban a gyakorolt befolyás mértékével. Másfelől viszont a magasabb kockázatok nagyobb eséllyel kényszerítettek ki nagyobb hozzájárulást. • Direkt összefüggés volt megfigyelhető a fenyegetések növekedése és a korábban már fennálló, ugyanakkor nem elég harmonizált szövetségesi tagállamok valós stratégiáinak közeledése között. Hasonlóképp összefüggés volt látható a rezsimeken belüli érdekelvű rivalizálások csökkenése és az ezen szövetségek konfliktuskezelési hatékonyságának javulása között is. • Az orosz stratégia elemzése rávilágított a kereskedelmi és geopolitikai érdekek uralmára, egyben az esetleges ideológiai érdekek negligálására.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Krátki, Noémi;
    Country: Hungary

    Cikkalapú disszertációm a hazai társadalmi vállalkozások üzleti sajátosságait egyfelől társadalmi vállalkozás oldalról, azon belül is az egészségügyi és szociális területeken működő társadalmi vállalkozások példáján vizsgálja, továbbá vállalkozás fejlesztői oldalról megközelítve, azon belüli is a hazai társadalmi vállalkozásokat üzleti szempontból fejlesztő szervezetek fejlesztési folyamatainak, azok során alkalmazott üzleti modelleken, eszközökön keresztül tárja fel. Kiindulópontom, hogy a társadalmi vállalkozások olyan szervezetek, amelyek kettős céllal bírnak, elsődleges céljuk valamilyen társadalmi érték megteremtése, másodlagos céljuk pedig ennek pénzügyi megvalósítása. Vizsgálatom tárgyát azok a társadalmi vállalkozások képezik, amelyek alkalmazzák az üzleti szemléletet, továbbá üzleti bevételtermelő képességgel rendelkeznek. Irodalmi áttekintésemben megvizsgáltam a társadalmi vállalkozások elméleti megközelítéseit, majd a társadalmi vállalkozások működési tipológiáját tártam fel. Üzleti működésük vizsgálatához, a társadalmi vállalkozások üzleti modelljeinek, illetve ezek fejlesztésének és fejlesztőinek szakirodalmát dolgoztam fel. A disszertáció cikkei kvalitatív és vegyes kutatási módszertannal készültek el, amelyből kettő cikk esettanulmány. A kutatások során társszerzőimmel feltártuk a hazai társadalmi vállalkozások működését befolyásoló kulcsszereplőket, továbbá finanszírozási modelleket térképeztünk fel. Megvizsgáltam a hazai fejlesztő szervezetek típusait, munkájuk folyamatait, eszközeit. Kutatásom alapján a piaci alapú működés újszerűnek mondható, vannak olyan szervezetek, amelyek fő bevételi forrásuk mellé alakítanak ki saját értékesítésből fakadó bevételi forrásokat és vannak olyanok, amelyek csak és kizárólag saját értékesítési tevékenységeikből kívánnak működni. Egyelőre a működési környezetből fakadó kulcsszereplők által generált korlátok és lehetőségek nagyban befolyásolják a társadalmi vállalkozások működését. Ennek egyik elsődleges szempontja a pénzügyi korlátok jelenléte, az állami szférától való finanszírozási függés. A fejlesztő szervezetek célja az alapvető és a már összetettebb üzleti működés átadása és fenntartása. Módszereiket és eszközeiket a hagyományos üzleti szektorból vették át, amelyeket a társadalmi vállalkozások igényeire specializálnak.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Kassai, Ákos;
    Country: Hungary

    There has been recently an emerging academic debate on entrepreneurial leadership style and related contingency models No generally accepted model for entrepreneurial leadership style and its measurement has arisen so far. This research contributes to the debate by summarizing what scholars have achieved so far, but more importantly, it introduces a new approach with applying leadership competencies for constructing the model of entrepreneurial leadership styles. The ultimate objective of this research is to understand what leadership styles entrepreneurs employ to overcome challenges they face during the entrepreneurial process. This work aims to contribute both theory and practice by proposing a comprehensive model for entrepreneurial leadership styles by applying entrepreneurial competencies. The study relies on a multi-step research process that combines qualitative and quantitative elements and employs methodological triangulation. Successful entrepreneurs employ various leadership strategies and rely on a wide range of leadership competencies to achieve their goals. The paper presents the list of and ranking of the most critical entrepreneurial leadership competencies required for entrepreneurs to succeed. The research identified five leadership dimensions, four leadership styles, and the paper explains the characteristics, strengths and weaknesses, common pitfalls, and development needs of entrepreneurs style by style. Four leadership competency dimensions (Imagination, Social, Execution, Organizational) found in the research help to explain how successful entrepreneurs apply diverse leadership styles to achieve their goals. A fifth leadership dimension (Personal) presents the leadership competency dimension that separates entrepreneurs from the rest of the World. This leadership dimension contributes to answering the question of who becomes an entrepreneur. The study also found that adapting their leadership style to the situation and the life phase of a venture is essential for selecting the appropriate leadership competencies. Entrepreneurial leadership is situational. It was shown that the appropriate entrepreneurial leadership style is contingent on the situation and the development life-stage of the venture is a relevant factor to that. Entrepreneurs with the style of “Lonely Wolf “may kick-start their business in the phases of “inception” and “survival”, but the leadership style of “Team Builder” and “Architect” is far more often observed at entrepreneurs who can scale their business and graduate their venture to the phases of “growth”, “expansion” and “maturity”. “Explorer” entrepreneurial leadership style is particularly useful when a venture develops or reinvents its product or service offering or makes a shift in its corporate strategy. A diverse and adaptable set of competencies is required to build a business; an entrepreneurial partnership of individuals with complementary leadership competencies is often the key for entrepreneurial success.

  • Other research product . 2022
    Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Zubor-Nemes, Anna;
    Country: Hungary

    The agricultural sector is heavily exposed to the impact of climate change and the more common extreme weather events. This exposure can have significant impacts on agricultural production. To deal with the financial impacts caused by natural hazards, crop insurance is an appropriate tool (Di Falco et al., 2014). In addition to crop insurance purchase, to maximize agriculture’s mitigation potential regarding to weather-related risks, there is a need for investments in technological innovation and agricultural intensification related to increased efficiency of input usage (Vermeulen et al., 2012). The dissertation aimed to explore the influencing factors of crop insurance take-up and evaluate the effect of crop insurance purchase on technical efficiency and farm investment, and analyse the interrelationship between these factors based on three articles. The analysis was carried out using quantitative methods, such as Moran’s I index, dynamic spatial autoregressive model, various probit models, DEA method with double bootstrap and system of simultaneous equations based on crop insurance data collected by Research Institute of Agricultural Economics (AKI), on utilised area data from the Integrated Administration and on FADN data. The main results of the dissertation: • The intensity of crop insurance take-up has a spatial pattern, as farmers’ insurance decision are influenced by the decisions of nearby producers. In addition, neighbouring farms can face similar weather-related risks which also provide an explanation for the similar insurance decision. • Crop insurance level is influenced by the rate of fruit production and vegetable production in total crop production for all types of subsidised insurance taken together. A high share of fruit production discourages participation in the subsidised insurance system, which can be explained by the typical damage scale, the relative high insurance premium for fruit crops and the low-risk appetite of insurers. However, vegetable producers are more likely to purchase for crop insurance, which can be explained by the high-risk exposure and the moderate insurance premium rates. • Crop diversification increases crop insurance usage, which suggests that a farmer with a diversified crop production structure may also willing to purchase crop insurance to further reduce weather-related risks. Hungarian farmers do not tend to treat crop diversification as a substitute for crop insurance usage, rather it is a complementary tool to reduce risk. • Older farmers might be more risk averse; therefore, they were more likely to purchase crop insurance. • Return on equity (ROE) does not impact significantly on crop insurance demand, suggesting that the premium subsidies, which were available the end of the period examined, helped to relax the budget constraints on Hungarian farms. • Crop insurance purchase effects significantly and positively on technical efficiency, suggesting that the safety provided by the insurance also might contribute to introduce new technology and to develop technical efficiency. • Both technical efficiency and farm investment encourage crop insurance take-up, suggesting that managers of farms with higher technical efficiency and higher level of investment also consider carefully other aspects of production, like crop insurance decision. In addition, crop insurance purchase increases technical efficiency and farm investment by providing a safety net. As a result, policy interventions that stimulate any of the three factors can potentially have additional positive impacts through spill-over effects on other factors, consequently, these farms’ resilience to the impact of extreme weather events and climate change might be further improved.

  • Open Access English
    Authors: 
    Farkas, Xénia;
    Country: Hungary

    Visuals are integral part of our life, and it is also true for political communication. Political posters and advertisements are not only visible on television, the streets but everywhere on the Internet, especially on social media. It is highly unlikely to go through our Facebook newsfeed without seeing any political visuals, such as photos, videos, or gifs. These visuals have a huge influencing impact, as they are processed quicker than verbal and textual information, sometimes even unconsciously. This is well-known by the political actors as well, and they are using images as part of their strategic toolkit to influence voters. However, political communication research has not reflected on these processes for a long period. Fortunately, this tendency started to change in the past decade, and research on visual political communication, or as Bucy and Joo (2021) calls it, visual politics, gained momentum. The present article-based dissertation aims to contribute to this emerging research area, as due to the relative novelty of the research field, a number of research questions remain to be answered. The thesis provides insights into three related studies that apply visual content analysis. To better understand visual political communication on social media, visual personalization strategies, and their effects on different social media platforms are studied. Further, the similarities and differences between populist and non-populist parties’ visual communication are described. The populist style of an exemplary populist leader is also tested across different periods and modalities. Additionally, portable coding instruments that allow visual, and bimodal investigations related to political communication strategies, personalization, and populism were created and published in order to increase research in the field.

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