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The expression of the Parliament is often associated with abstract concepts such as politics, democracy, or nationhood (Kapitány & Kapitány, 2002; Szabó & Oross, 2018) when instead of the literal meaning of the ‘building’, we refer to its figurative meanings. It has already been confirmed that political cartoons are rich in figurative devices (e.g., conceptual metaphor) (i.a. El Refaie, 2009) and they serve as a suitable corpus for the investigation of the figurative meaning of the Parliament. In the case of a conceptual metaphor, for instance, the Parliament (considered as a target domain) is understood via the source domain conceptually different from the target (e.g., COLOSSEUM). In that way, certain characteristic features of the source domain are mapped onto the target domain, and we are able to interpret politics, specifically the Parliament itself as the site of real, dangerous, life-or-death physical battles. All these figurative meanings can influence how we think about politics, its processes, and actors, how we argue in the case of a political problem and how we would try to solve it. The current research aims to examine how the Hungarian Parliament is visually represented in editorial cartoons and how these visual representations – through figurative conceptual devices such as conceptual metaphors and conceptual metonymies – construct the concept of the parliament. Furthermore, the thesis discusses how these cognitive devices cooperate with ironies and cultural references (such as idioms, allusions, and national symbols) which are determinant in evaluation procedures and the creation of emotional bonds between the viewer and the cartoon. In doing so, the dissertation studies the caricaturistic representations of the Parliament in three various periods (Körösényi, 2015); thus, the investigation is longitudinal (describing thirty years since 1989) and comparative. What are the novelties of the research? First, it examines Hungarian editorial cartoons in a cognitive linguistic framework, unlike this, so far Hungarian political cartoons have been discussed by historians (e.g., Tamás, 2014). Second, although the Parliament is an important concept (Kapitány & Kapitány, 2002), its figurative meaning has not been studied so widely yet. Third, it is a multimodal investigation of conceptual processes that fits into the trend of cognitive linguistic research that focuses on the cooperation of different processes. Fourth, this research examines a large data set in context where the contextual factors are limited to three types, namely idioms, allusions, and national symbols (context types are usually not defined in such concrete ways, e.g., Charteris-Black, 2011). Fifth, the dissertation applies Extended Conceptual Metaphor Theory (ECMT) (Kövecses, 2020) in practice in a larger corpus. Sixth, it is a diachronic investigation which is rare in the field of cartoon research (e.g., Frantzich, 2013) also in cognitive research, especially in multimodal research. The main results show that 1) the representation of the Parliament is strongly linked to such conceptual procedures as conceptual metonymy and conceptual metaphor. These cognitive devices are likely to cooperate with ironies and cultural references. 2) a limited number of cognitive devices (e.g., the conceptual metonymy THE PARLIAMENT STANDS FOR THE GOVERNMENT, or the conceptual metaphor THE PARLIAMENT IS A PLACE FOR PHYSICAL CONFLICT) are recurring in the corpus during the period between 1989 and 2019. However, regarding the perspectivization, content and function of these cognitive devices, it is said that the compared periods of democracy (Körösényi, 2015) show significant differences based on the diverse preferences and distribution of the cognitive devices with specific cultural references in each era. 3) the increase of more aggressive scenes emerges from the metaphoric domain of PHYSICAL CONFLICT, which goes hand in hand with a change in the use of national symbols referring to the perceived extreme nationalist content, and political slogans which are dominated by the direct elements (literal citations, showing violence overtly). An unexpected result is the detection of a shift in communication acting in the opposite direction, according to which in linguistic changes indirect processes took place (e.g., increasing use of causal type ironies), in visual processes direct changes became predominant, so for instance, violence appeared literally. In sum, the Parliament seems a permanent phenomenon throughout the years, however, this research points to its different meanings and nuances of meaning variants. So even the stability of the meaning of such a strong national symbol can be questioned.

This research investigates the manifestations of European identity construction by the political and media discourses within the depressing context of the Euro crisis and refugee crisis of the European Union (EU) in a case study country- Germany. It utilizes the main aspirations of the Social Identity Theory (SIT), which asserts that social, economic, and political processes are highly critical in forming an ‘ingroup’. In doing so, it provides a novel approach to the European studies on the nexus between the EU integration and its crises. Although the literature previously engaged in explaining the formation of European identity through the lenses of the SIT, the theoretical novel of this research comes from the fact that it will investigate the way European identity is constructed, instrumentalized, and manifested during the financial and refugee crisis, which is of critical importance for the enrichment of the discipline, since social identity is mediated by the involvement of different social comparative contexts and content. The empirical contribution of the current study accommodates the extension of the empirical body of knowledge in Germany, which has occupied a key, initial, and unique position during both crises in formulating these mechanisms to fight with the crises. This study argues that political and media discourses became a critical tool of disseminating the collective identity construction during the times of crises that posed rigid challenges to political, social, and economic processes of the EU. This is because the crises provided a viable ground for the articulations of the different manifestations of the European identity construction implying ‘what it means to be European’ due to the incremental salience of the European affairs within the public. While the crises have opened up leeway for the member states to become less Euro-centric because of the possible dramatic repercussions, identity construction, focusing on increasing the levels of commitment to ingroup for the sake of the common good of the community, may play an instrumental role in convincing European citizens to bear the dramatic consequences and costs of the crises. Therefore, an inquiry concentrating on answering how the European identity is manifested and instrumentalized in responding to and answering the crises is of critical importance. Based on such premise, this research conducts extensive qualitative frame analysis of political and media discourse at key moments of the crisis. The manifestations of the European identity construction are found to differ between two crises during the course of the analysis, which can be explained by the fact that the imperatives of the crises altered considerably. The detailed qualitative analysis of the media and political discourse covering the euro crisis found that European identity construction is manifested to be shaped in accordance with the needs of the different time frames of the crisis. Accordingly, at the political discourse level, the European identity is operationalized and instrumentalized in line with the political claims and interests of the political elites in the governance and in the opposition. The beginning of the crisis in Greece evoked little political interest and attraction in formulating immediate response since the country often was accused of being as ‘debt sinner’ ‘the guilty other of the European in-group’ and the crisis was externalized and portrayed as ‘home-made’. Yet the aggravation of the crisis necessitated to the formulation of a European-level solution that arose the concerns of political legitimization. At that point, European identity construction was vitally used as a discursive act of instrumentalization and operationalization through consolidating Germany’s commitment to the European community, which is regarded as its historical responsibility, vis a vis its historical otherness to Europe. During the refugee crisis, regardless of the political leaning and stance in respect to the crisis, the European identity construction is manifested as a tool of both internal and external othering to bolster both intra- and inter-group differentiation. It demonstrated that the pro-refugee stance adopted by the media discourses regardless of their political leanings exhibited often external othering vis a vis the in-group of the European community presented as a community of humanitarian responsibility. Therefore, they were highly converging with the pro-refugee mainstream political discourses. In this respect, the divergences between the political and media discourses manifesting the European identity construction in framing the crisis can be traced in accordance with their having whether pro-refugee or anti-refugee stances. As a sum of the findings of the analysis of both crises, the research revealed that different phases of the crises have involved different discursive practices of identity construction, thus, the first hypothesis, ‘change in the identity construction is correlated to be reflected by the social processes within the society’ is proven to be right. Although identity construction encompasses different angles as per each crisis, it has been mainly within the German understanding of the European identity. Therefore, the second hypothesis, ‘The manifestations of the European identity construction appeared differently in framing the different EU crises’ is proven to be wrong.

Doktori értekezésemben arra keresek választ, hogy a II. világháború óta tapasztalt gyökeresen különböző termelési viszonyok ellenére miért nem történt érdemi változás Magyarország globális strukturális pozíciójában. 1. Elméleti hozzájárulás és annak konklúziói: A függő fejlődés elméletében megjelenő globális struktúrákat a világrendszer-megközelítés és a regulációs iskola integrált keretén keresztül értelmezem. Ez az elméleti keret biztosítja a helyi intézményi viszonyok és közpolitikák, a globális szabályozási szempontok, valamint a hierarchizált nemzetközi munkamegosztás technológia-orientált szempontrendszerének összekapcsolását. Az elméleti újítás egy ország integrációját a világgazdaságba egy aszimmetrikus interakción keresztül létrejövő viszonyrendszerként értelmezi. Értekezésemben a mellett érveltem, hogy a kelet-közép-európai országok félperifériás jellege a helyi szocialista vagy tőkés rendszer intézményes szerkezete mellett a másik olyan tényező volt, amely meghatározta a világrendszerbe történő beágyazás módját a fejlett technológiához való hozzáférés útjain és annak finanszírozásán keresztül. Ezen módok meglehetősen sokat változtak az időben részben a globális felhalmozási rezsimek alakulásán, részben a belső intézményi folyamatokon keresztül. A változásoknak pedig az eredménye az volt, hogy Magyarországnak sikerült fenntartani a strukturális stabilitását. 2. Kelet-Közép-Európa és a szocialista rendszer a globális történeti világrendszerben: A strukturalista irodalom ritkán foglalkozik a kelet-közép-európai régióval, és akkor is vagy külön-külön koncentrál a rendszerváltás előtti és utáni időszakra, vagy magára a rendszerváltás átmeneti formáira összpontosít. Ennyiben dolgozatom átfogó íve fontos ponton egészíti ki az irodalmat. A kontinuitás megteremtését az elméleti megközelítésem is biztosította: dolgozatomban ugyanis a mellett érvelek, hogy a szocializmus a tőkés világrendszer része volt. Ezen állítás a nyolcvanas években ugyan korlátozottan megjelent az irodalomban, azonban ennek kifejtésére a szocializmus bukása miatt már nem vállalkoztak a kutatók. 3. Fordizmus és strukturális ekvivalensei: A regulációs iskola irodalmának megfelelően fordista(-keynesiánus) rezsimnek neveztem az 1929-es válságot követően meginduló, a II. világháborút követően pedig csúcsára jutó időszakot, amely a hatvanas évek végére, hetvenes évek elejére válságba jutott. A félperifériás tapasztalatok figyelembevételével a fordizmus fogalmát újraértelmezem. Az Antonio Gramsci elméletére épülő regulációs iskola fordizmus fogalma a centrumországok tapasztalatait sűrítette magába. Bár Lipietz (1987) a mellett érvelt, hogy a fordista rezsim expanzívan elkezdett globálissá válni, azonban gondolatmenetében megőrzi a centrumországok fogalmi rendszerét, és azt alkalmazza a félperifériára. Ennek következtében a következtetése az lesz, hogy a félperiféria csak hiányosan tudta bevezetni a fordizmust. Ezzel szemben az elméleti keretemben a tőkés világrendszer az elemzési egység, erre absztrahálom a fordizmus fogalmát, majd alkalmazom azt annak strukturálisan ekvivalens változataira, így a szocializmusra. 4. A neoliberalizmus és az európai értékláncok létrejötte: A szakirodalom alapján posztfordista(-neoliberális) rezsimnek neveztem a hetvenes–nyolcvanas években kibomló, de teljességében a kilencvenes évek elejére létrejött időszakot, amely a 2008-as válsággal kimerülésnek indult. A posztfordista-neoliberális felhalmozási rezsim kelet-közép-európai alkalmazásánál azonban más kihívások vannak, mint a fordizmusnál. A korszakot ugyanis a kilencvenes évek liberalizációját követően gyakran egységesen globálisnak értelmezi a szakirodalom, ez a „globalizáció” időszaka. Ezért szemben a fordizmus leszűkítő értelmezésével, itt a strukturálisan különböző rendszerek eltérő szabályozásaira egységesen használták ugyanazt a kifejezést. A posztfordista-neoliberális felhalmozási rezsim globálisan elsődleges szerepet töltött be a termelési tevékenységek fragmentálása és azok értékláncokba szervezése folyamatában. A szakirodalom többnyire külön tárgyalja az iparági és a vállalati értékláncok kérdését. Dolgozatomban azonban arra jutok, hogy félperifériás szempontból fontos egy egységes keretben tárgyalni a két kérdést. Magyarországon például a globális értéklánc minden szintje jelen van, többségében azonban mindegyik szinten külföldi vállalatok leányvállalatairól van szó. Mind a globális értéklánc szintje, mind a vállalat tulajdonlása hatással van a helyi vállalat értékelsajátítására. 5. A globális járműipari szakosodás korlátos lehetőségei: A magyarországi járműipari elemzést átkeretezem azzal, hogy az ágazatra mint a globális fordizmus fő iparágára tekintek. Állításom szerint a kelet-közép-európai rendszerváltásokkal létrejött iparági relokációk nagyban hozzájárultak ahhoz, hogy az európai értékláncok létrejöjjenek. Mivel azonban mind a relokáció, mind az európai értékláncok létrejötte már egy válságban lévő iparág profitabilitásnövelő lépései voltak, ezért ezen iparágból kihozható nemzeti siker csak korlátos tudott maradni. A rendszerváltást követő reintegrációval újratermelődő függő fejlődést az elektromos autók és akkumulátorok helyi gyártása sem változtatja meg. Ezt a vernoni termékéletciklus-modell félperifériára és kéttermékre módosított modelljével magyarázom. A fenti relokációs elméleti tapasztalatokat és az ebből kirajzolódó függő fejlődés állításait az iparszociológusok empirikus tapasztalataival is alátámasztom. Összességében Magyarország félperifériás helyzetében a sokáig egyre nyitottabbá és globalizáltabbá váló világgazdaságba való beágyazódásból – ami a belső intézmények tőkés átalakulásával és a külgazdasági liberalizációval járt együtt – nem következett automatikusan a felzárkózás a centrum országokhoz. Így hiába tapasztalt az ország 1945 óta két teljesen különböző társadalmi és gazdasági berendezkedést, az eltérések ellenére a strukturális pozíció a nemzetközi munkamegosztásban változatlan maradt. A dolgozat e folyamat megértéséhez kívánt hozzájárulni elemzéseivel.

The dissertation focuses on the impact of social networks on the economic and employment opportunities of individuals. It examines the direct and indirect effects of professional ties on various labor market outcomes, such as job finding probabilities, wages, job stability, and upward mobility. Following recent trends in the measurement of network effects, the empirical work takes a relatively novel approach to quantify the economic benefits of social ties by utilizing a large Hungarian linked administrative employer-employee panel dataset. While the dataset does not contain direct information on social ties, it does have anonymous firm and individual identifiers, which can be used to identify different segments of networks, such as former co-workers and university peers. Building on studies using similar data, elaborating on empirical approaches already used to measure network effects, and incorporating recent developments in panel data methods, the dissertation presents three empirical studies on the role of social ties in the labor market. The first study contributed to the literature of co-workers, employee referral, and wage differences in multiple ways. First, by being the first to document the presence of wage gains commonly attributed to the referral activity of former co-workers through the estimation of a two-way fixed effects wage equation on starting wages. We found a 2.1% premium for men, which originates from the direct (“presence”) effect of referrers and match selection (that is co-workers facilitate the creation of better employer–employee pairings). Second, by jointly assessing those selection channels that may also contribute to the generation of the overall wage gains and by examining their relative importance. We demonstrated that there is an additional 1.7% and 0.9% wage advantage, reflecting individual and firm selection, respectively. The presence of such wage elements implies that former co-workers might help individuals getting into high-wage firms, and they also induce the selection of better individuals to firms. Fourth, by slightly extending upon the decomposition method of Woodcock (2008), and this way, by showing an even more nuanced picture on the actual drivers of given selection channels. We revealed that the individual and firm selection terms are mostly driven by their respective within components. That is, individuals with contacts tend to be hired by companies with superior worker pools compared to other firms that rely solely on formal hiring, and that the unobserved quality of linked workers is usually better than the quality of their new firms’ other hires. Finally, we contribute to the literature by presenting various endeavors to link differences in the estimated wage components to theories in the referral and co-worker literature. The second study investigates the differential effects of former co-workers on job finding probabilities and upward mobility by gender. The results of the hiring analysis showed that (1) men benefit more from the help of former co-workers; (2) gender homophily in network effects is only present due to gendered patterns of labor market segregation; and (3) the hiring benefits of women are mostly driven by the help of contacts higher up in the occupational ladder. By focusing on job entries to new firms, we have also shown that informal contacts can also influence career development through job mobility. However, the benefits are unevenly distributed both across and within genders. The returns to social ties are greater for men, who tend to realize meaningful benefits regardless of their prior job and firm quality. On the contrary, among women, only those with average or worse labor market positions receive such gains. The results reflect a duality in network effects: while social ties enhance the limited opportunities of women in worse positions, they also contribute to preserving existing gender differences at the top segments of the labor market. The final study examines the effect of former university peers on job finding and the quality of the first job. The results suggests that acquaintances from university influence the labor market outcomes of graduates at the start of their careers: they increase the chances of their peers of getting into given firms and contribute to getting more prestigious and better paying jobs. However, the measured benefits are primarily attributable to ties from bachelor’s studies, while the impact of master’s peers is mainly driven by the selection of individuals along existing pathways between university master’s programs and given firms. These findings may suggest that too much similarity in the educational and career paths of former university peers, especially early in their careers, may limit the chances of individuals providing help to each other and may even be accompanied by crowding out effects. Also, that dissimilarity, to a given extent, could be associated with increased information on available jobs and better economic opportunities. The results of the studies, taken together, advance our understanding on the relationship between networks and individual economic opportunities and provide essential insights for the disciplines of sociology, economics, and social policy as well. By facilitating discussion on the dual nature of networks as sources of economic benefits and amplifiers of inequalities, hopefully the thesis will inspire further academic work on the topic.

It is becoming increasingly important for consumers to know exactly what kind of foods they consume, while it is increasingly vital for food producers to excel from the competition in the global market. This requires a great deal of information exchange between these two market players. The most common way to do this is through various food labels. I have focused on one group of such labels in my research, trying to find out as much useful information as possible about the geographical indications (GI) of the European Union. I was looking for answers to the following questions: 1, How well-known are the labels of EU GI products among Hungarian consumers, and how well do they know their meaning? The awareness of the GI labels in Hungary is definitely low (in the best case, it was 31%), even if this number is not much lower than the average in the EU. This number is probably too low for these labels to be effective marketing tools for producers. It also includes the fact that only 50% of those who said they know the label know at least approximately the meaning of the label. Can you build a marketing campaign currently on these markings? Probably not an effective one, but what gives hope is that awareness of the labels compared to previous surveys is constantly increasing. The EU focuses on GI products, so this growth is expected to be continued. So far, the EU has completed more than 30 international agreements, which allow the recognition of many EU GI outside the boundaries of the EU and the recognition of non-EU GI inside the territories of the EU. GIs represent an increasingly important aspect of trade negotiations between the EU and other countries. The Commission separates around €50 million year after year to support quality products in the EU and all over the world. Taking this into account, these labels can play an important role in the food markets in the near future. 2, What is the level of trust in the labelling of EU GI products, and what influences this trust? About half of the respondents said that they trust the logo. When we analysed the possible variables, which can influence trust, we concluded that knowledge of logos is important because if someone knows the label, they have more than three times the chance to trust them, while in terms of meaning, the chance is almost double. Based on the research, we can say that gender, education, and age do not affect trust in EU GI labels. In the case of place of residence, it can be said that someone who lives in a more urban environment trusts less in GI labels. All in all, consumer education is most needed to build confidence in GI, as those who recognize the labels on food packaging or are aware of what those labels mean will treat these products with much greater confidence. 3, How often do consumers buy EU GI certified products, and what affects it? More than 35% of those surveyed are regular customers of GI-labelled products. The frequency of purchases is mostly determined by consumer confidence (the result is not significant for the PDO). Women become much fewer regular customers (not significant for the PGI). In terms of age, the older a consumer is, the less likely it is to become a regular buyer (not significant for PDO), while residents of rural, smaller settlements are more loyal buyers of PGI products. The highest level of education has no detectable effect here either. So, in this topic also, we have to repeat that the most important thing is to inform consumers as widely as possible. 4, In the Hungarian market, what is the market size of products with geographical indication, examining the example of discount stores? The number of GI products available in Hungarian discount stores is limited, with an average of 11 products per store. The supply is fairly constant; however, even though there are only a limited number of GI products on the shelves, they are at least always available to consumers and are part of the chains ’core product portfolio. However, the number of GI products usually increases during the thematic days (e.g., Greek days). We can see that the supply is very limited for GI products, so buyers rarely meet face to face with the label, they are even less likely to find out about the meaning of the markings on their own. Targeted information on GI labels is needed for consumers, and for that they start to appreciate them. 5, In Hungarian discount stores, what is the price premium of products with a geographical indication compared to their direct substitutes, estimated from below? The average price premium for GI products is 29% in the Aldi, 46% in the Penny Market and the highest was in Lidl with 54%. Overall, the average premium was around 43%. It is also important to mention that in addition to supply, prices did not really change during the observations. Although the price of some products may also change during promotional periods, consumers can plan to purchase GI products in advance. On the other hand, discount stores provide a continuous market for producers as well. 6, Are geographical indications positively related to comparative advantages in the beer market? Our results show that the number of GI-registered beers is positively related to comparative advantages. Countries with traditional beer products closely linked to their place of origin are usually with a higher level of comparative advantages as the number of GI beers positively determines SRCA indices. From this, it can be concluded that it is not pointless to promote the increase in the number of GI products and devote resources to GI labels.

The aim of the research is to find the strategies and tactics of small powers in relations with great power neighbour under the asymmetrical relationship. The research problem The research accommodates the two important research problems. (1) To investigate how a small power can manage its asymmetrical relations with a great power neighbor. (2) To observe how a small power cooperative with a big power without deteriorating its sovereignty, by protecting its national interest, and by avoiding confrontation with the big power, as well as by preserving the bilateral relations between them. The subject of analysis The research emphasizes on the Myanmar-China asymmetrical relations with a special focus on the Myitsone dam hydropower project as a case study which is a critical issue between the two countries. The impact of the dam issue not only effects on the Sino-Myanmar relations but also influences on other asymmetrical relations between China and small powers. It also The research question What tactics and strategies does Myanmar use to increase its room for maneuver in its asymmetric relationship with China? Hypotheses The research will investigate two hypotheses: (1) The behaviors of small powers can be identified between a tactical and strategical level in an asymmetric relationship. (2) Small powers are capable of changing the behavior of big powers in different ways besides by using balancing and bandwagoning strategies. Conclusion and the highlight of a new scientific result Regarding the big picture of Sino-Myanmar relations, it has been found that Myanmar practices the “bandwagoning” strategy with limits. In the Myitsone Dam suspension, the Myanmar government used the “balancing” strategy with limits. To answer the promised research question, the research can investigate that Myanmar has used both bandwagoning and balancing strategies in limit. The research has revealed the detailed analysis of Myanmar’s tactical and strategical moves toward China. As a new scientific result, the research insists that small states are really important actors in international relations. Despite their power discrepancy with big powers, small countries have the capability to counterbalance and counterweight great powers through their tactical moves. In doing so, small states can change the behavior of great powers without breaking up their relationships. They can improve their own leverages and abilities within the framework of cooperation with stronger powers. Thus, power is not a determinant factor in international relations, even in the asymmetrical relationship. Small powers can manipulate their strategies by developing their political leverage, by taking advantages of stronger powers’ deficiencies, by effectively using its geostrategic importance, by engaging regional and international organizations, and so on. The research highlights the two distinct strategies of bandwagoning and balancing, in which small powers can maneuver these two strategies in limitation. They can utilize these two strategies not only in resisting stronger powers but also in seeking and developing their interests. Small powers can also influence the behavior of great powers through their impressive strategies.

Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) region is one of the most important players in global agricultural trade, being among the global leaders in the production and exports of agricultural and fisheries commodities and accounting for 15% of the world’s average agri-food export from 1995 to 2019. The region have vast potential to strengthen their position as a result of the region's opportunities to increase agricultural production when combined with growing global demand, which could help the region's economy thrive. The purpose of the dissertation is to provide a consistent analysis of the agri-food trade patterns for Latin America and the Caribbean. determinants of LAC agricultural bilateral export for the period 1995-2019 and export competitiveness of the sector in the same period. This research explored the LAC agricultural trade patterns and export competitiveness through the analysis of the Revealed Comparative Advantage (RCA) index formulated by Balassa (1965) and its modifications – SRCA (Symmetric Revealed Comparative Advantage), RTA (Relative Trade Advantage, and RC (Revealed Competitiveness) – in the agricultural sector for the period of 1995-2019, indicating which countries in the region are currently competitive and in what agricultural products. Panel data econometrics was used to identify the conditioning factors lying behind trade flow and the gravity model of trade was employed, by estimating various Poisson pseudo-maximum likelihood (PPML) models including zero trade flows, to determine how bilateral cultural characteristics affect LAC agri-food export. Throughout the research period, the results indicated that Brazil, Argentina, and Mexico were the TOP agri-food exporters in LAC. The highest RCA, SRCA, and RTA were found in Guatemala, whereas the greatest RC was found in Argentina. At the product level analysis, oil seeds and oleaginous fruits, miscellaneous grains, seeds and fruit, industrial or medicinal plants, and straw and fodder (HS12) were the most exported items at the 2-digit level. Coffee, tea, mate and spices (HS-09) was the most competitive group product in the worldwide agri-market. In terms of agri-trade flow determinants, findings show that importers' GDP of LAC countries had a greater impact on agricultural trade compared to LAC exporters. Cultural similarities (common language) and countries' participation in Southern Common Market [Mercado Común del Sur (MERCOSUR)] stimulated agri-food export. Conversely, distance (transportation), past colonial links, and North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) raised trade costs, having a negative impact on the export of agricultural products. The impacts of environmental regulations are ambiguous.

How do the main elements and actors shaping women’s rights at the macro, mezzo and micro levels relate to each other during different periods of crisis, in different circumstances, and how does the traditional division of gender roles influence decision-makers in approaching the question of gender equality? Would a greater inclusion of women in decision-making reinforce democracy building and overwrite the division of gender roles? To answer the research questions a qualitative case-study research design was applied to compare the evolution of women’s rights in Morocco and Tunisia from independence until the present day with a special focus on the post-Arab Spring period and the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. Incorporating both inductive and deductive methods and examining the link between a cause or a set of causes and the outcome, process tracing was chosen as the qualitative analysis methodology. In addition to the survey and the evaluation of primary and secondary sources, the dissertation collected data from twenty interviews conducted with women’s rights activists and representatives of different NGOs from Morocco and Tunisia, while also setting up the researcher’s own datasets from the empirical analysis. The new results of the dissertation can be summarised as follows: • Building on a novel methodology the dissertation applies a complex framework that takes into consideration actors, elements and their interactions at the macro (international conventions), mezzo (decision-makers, states) and micro (non-state actors) levels. The conduct of interviews enriched the quality of the research, especially in the context of the pandemic which urged the researcher to apply alternative methods and reach representatives and activists online. In addition, based on previously unseen data interviews helped the researcher to arrive at new results. • Based on the analysis of the functioning of the government and the interviews, the dissertation proves that the absence of responsibility from the leadership leads to general disappointment among local people towards decision-makers. This anarchical situation reinforces the recognition of women’s rights NGOs that in some regions quasi fill the position of the government. • The Arab Spring and the pandemic established a quite favourable environment for civil society to play a more active role and exert pressure on decision-makers. However, the socioeconomic conditions (political turmoil in Tunisia, foreign indebtedness, the increase in the unemployment rate) overwrote initial expectations and did not allow the actors to fully exploit the new opportunities. • The Arab Spring brought about the re-emergence of Islamists, the consequences of which were most apparent from the point of women’s rights in Tunisia where school dropouts significantly increased. • The interviews proved that the evolution of women’s rights in Morocco and Tunisia does not exclusively depend on traditions and cultural norms but on the level of education. Statistical indicators also proved this result which explains why Tunisia has always been ahead of Morocco in terms of the development of women’s rights. • Contrary to the general perception, the interviews proved that the solidarity among women’s rights NGOs is more apparent in the marginalized regions of Morocco and Tunisia.

Understanding how people feel about their financial situation and how they act upon that is a noble challenge to take on, but it is due to this complexity that such research can deliver a significant amount of practical relevance and added value to the scientific disciplines. This study examines the occasional discrepancy between declining consumer sentiment and incresing spending in Hungary. Through a well-constructed deliberative investigation the difficulties of this complex topic were turned into important insights and useful learnings, for theoretical consideration as well as for practical utilization. The first key element was the selection of the phenomenon in the focus of the study. The sentiment of people regarding their financial circumstances and the related actions (like spending or saving) are more than just theoretical concepts: they do have a clear manifestation, one that almost everyone experiences. Due to this background, the research was able to rely on and benefit from solid theoretical foundations and a wide range of empirical data. On the other hand, this wide-spread embeddedness of the topic made it challenging to find a proper perspective for the analysis. This is where the second main achievement was realized. In order to maintain the focus of the research, a deliberative investigation method was applied in a mixed method research form. The benefit of this approach is provided by combining an inductive review of the secondary data, including theoretical foundations and empirical findings, with a deductive primary research that validated the hypotheses and revealed additional insights. The results that emerged from this special combination of methods provided important details about how and why people spend, what makes people discontent with their financial situation, what can caise a discrepancy between higher spending and lower consumer confidence levels, how the measurement can be fine-tuned, as well as holistic recommendations for economic and social decision-makers. The findings of this research should help the comprehension of consumer confidence measures, closing the gap in the scientific literature in the discussions around its predictive power, and avoid the misconceptions in regard to its results and what it means for the society and the economy. The study revealed that the increase of expenditure cannot be fully contributed to people being more content with their financial situation: there are several scenarios in which people increase their spending without actually having better financial circumstances. In parallel to this, people who benefit from trends of prosperity might not contribute proportionally to the general improvement of consumer confidence, especially in times of income inequality. The research also pointed out that it is incorrect to consider the consumer confidence as the manifestation of people’s satisfaction with their financial situation: consumer confidence should rather be looked at as the difference between what people would like to achieve and their perceived situation. The study mapped four key turning points along the scale of aspirations. Furthermore, it revealed a significant amount of relativity in consumer confidence: it is not an absolute level, but strongly depends on how people measure themselves to others and to past circumstances in their life. In addition to these, the study formulated recommendations for the polling institutions on how to fine-tune their consumer confidence measurements, through which it could more accurately represent the actual sentiment of people and lead to better comprehension of the results. It is not only the individual-level insights that contain the real value of the research, but also the holistic findings. The study argued that general financial prosperity in a country is not sufficient to make people content with their circumstances. Should this economic improvement be unevenly distributed, leading to growing income gap and inflation in a society with high level of envy, facing scandals of corruption and fraud while aspiring for justice and equality, and aggravated by an oppression to conform and stay silent about discontent; the combination of such circumstances may result in a record-low consumer confidence. Low consumer confidence should not be taken lightly. Theoretical studies and empirical research confirmed that consumer confidence predicts consumer action in a sense that low confidence forecasts low consumer spending level, which can subsequently have a significant negative impact on the economic performance of a country. When this research was conducted between 2019 and 2022, consumer confidence levels across the world appeared to be fragile, with a potential underlying instability and inclination for collapse. With economic and social turmoils following 2020 becoming more prevalent, the economic, political and social decision-makers are strongly advised to take the findings of this study into account and provide the required amount of emphasis on the needs of the society in order to improve the quality of life and financial satisfaction of individuals and ultimately to assure the economic performance and stability that their countries or unions of countries require.

My research looks at specific applications and methods of the participatory model of science communication: the toolkit based on visual media, performance, participation, in large part derived from contemporary art (participatory art, tactical media, performance). Instead of focusing on practical applications, I carry out a more in-depth sociological analysis of such science communication, including how it exerts effects as a sociopolitical phenomenon. I conducted two case studies: on anti-GMO mobilization and pinkified cancer awareness. While constructing the cases, I describe what technologies I research, how they came to be adapted in Hungary, and who the proponents or opponents are in the debates. Focusing on the political messages and impact of visual and participatory science communication media, I research what types of ideological messages are transmitted by such media, through what mechanisms, and how far can these mechanisms be extrapolated. I analyze my data with visual methods, which I triangulate with focus groups, to inquire both about expert and lay interpretation, and whether the respondents comprehend the images’ rhetoric, or whether they relate to the topics on an affective level. I conclude that visual elements (in my cases inseparable from participation) engaged in political work by mobilising a plurality of mechanisms ̶ of weaponising subjectivity, depoliticising their producers, utilising the political work inherent in representations, shifting the discourse towards emotions, mapping ideology (meaning) onto feeling. Visual and participatory media directed discourse to the register of feelings and experience, reserving a privileged role to community-building, whilst positioning the actors outside the political field. I came to understand such science communication as public ritual: the ideological layers and political connotations of visual communications were so important that images were used as tools of ritualisation, rather than of information transmission. Art, even if rebranded as activism, entangled with science communication, will not cease to be art- that is working through a non-linear causality. In the observed cases, the real political work took place detached from discourse; in fact, in conceptual opposition to other discourses of the organisations. Unlike artists, political movements stake claims for power, and yet through novel science communication formats they can present their activity as being outside the domain of politics, whilst still having a political impact on an affective, ideological, institutional, intersubjective, and subjective level. In the cases I researched, visual and participatory media directed the discourse to the register of feeling and experience, and had a privileged role in either community-building or conferring meaning. Such media itself does political work by positioning the actors outside the political field. Through novel science communication formats, art movements are conflated with political committees, the global and corporate with the grassroots. The modernist, teleological notion of progress used to rely on science both for legitimacy and for positive sentiments. I would argue that in some instances novel formats of science communication (as public rituals) assume these roles of science, and also I suspect public rituals of science communication imbue ideology with sentiments and affects.