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  • 2015-2024
  • Open Access
  • Estonian
  • Digital Humanities and Cultural Her...
  • GOTRIPLE - Social Sciences and Huma...

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    Authors: Tammisto, Ilmar;

    Anyone that has studied Estonian history has at least some sort of a perception of both the Baltic German nobility and the time period when the territory of modern-day Estonia was a part of the Swedish empire. The expression “good old Swedish time” is well known to most Estonians, even if one is not entirely certain of what is meant by the expression. Similarly, the stereotype of a cruel and greedy landlord who only seeks personal gain is a familiar one. The goal of my dissertation was to offer additional interpretations about the aspirations and attitudes of the Swedish state authorities and the Baltic German nobility. I focused on Swedish Livland (an administrative unit on the territory of modern-day Southern-Estonia and Northern-Latvia) in the years 1634 to 1680. During this time there was a significant increase in the influence of the Livonian nobility and a network of institutions run by the local nobility developed in Livland, which in many respects formed a parallel governance structure to that of the state. Among other things, I wanted to find out why the Swedish state authorities allowed these developments to occur and what was the Livonian nobility trying to achieve with the help of their strengthened position. I reached the conclusion that the aforementioned developments were largely influenced by the expectation of mutual benefits. Swedish state authorities hoped that in return for certain favours, they could acquire additional resources from the Livonian nobility and affirm their allegiance to the Swedish crown. It became evident that besides collecting taxes and protecting the province, the state had very limited capacities to deal with other issues. Although there were problems with public violence, conditions of roads and bridges, efficiency of the courts and many other issues, the representatives of the state showed little initiative to deal with them. Here, the local nobility stepped in. In return for giving up resources, the Livonian nobility sought the permission of the state to deal with the issues troubling the land. For this end, proposals were made to state officials for the issuing of regulations and the founding of new institutions, the offices of which were in most cases without any kind of remuneration. To conclude, it can be said that the expectation of mutual benefits was largely met for both sides – the nobility generally acceded to the demands of the state and in return had the opportunity to influence local governance in a way that was suitable to them. Igaühel, kes on õppinud Eesti ajalugu, on vähemalt mingisugune ettekujutus nii baltisaksa aadlist kui ka ajast, mil tänapäevase Eesti territoorium kuulus Rootsi riigi koosseisu. Väljend „vana hea Rootsi aeg“ on enamikele tuttav, isegi kui ei olda päris kindlad, et milles siis ikkagi see Rootsi aja headus seisnes. Samamoodi kangastub hõlpsasti kujutelm julmast ja ahnest mõisnikust, kes üksnes enda kitsaste erahuvide eest seisis. Seadsin enda doktoritöös eesmärgiks pakkuda täiendavaid tõlgendusi Rootsi riigivõimu ja baltisaksa aadli püüdlustele ja hoiakutele. Keskendusin Rootsi riigi koosseisu kuulunud Liivimaale (tänapäevase Lõuna-Eesti ja Põhja-Läti aladel asunud haldusüksus) aastatel 1634—1680. Kõnealusel ajavahemikul kasvas Liivimaal märgatavalt kohaliku aadli mõjuvõim ning kujunes välja aadli hallatud institutsioonide võrgustik, mis moodustas mitmes mõttes paralleelse haldusstruktuuri riikliku oma kõrval. Soovisin töös muu hulgas teada saada, miks lasi Rootsi riigivõim sellisel olukorral tekkida ning mida üritasid Liivimaa aadlikud tugevnenud positsiooni abil saavutada. Jõudsin järeldusele, et kirjeldatud arenguid tõukas suuresti tagant vastastikuse kasu ootus. Rootsi riigivõim lootis Liivimaa aadlile järeleandmisi tehes hankida neilt vastutasuks täiendavaid ressursse ning kindlustada kohaliku aadli lojaalsus Rootsi riigi ees. Töös ilmnes, et peale maksude kogumise ja Liivimaa kaitsmise jagus riigivõimul vähe võimekust muude teemadega tegelemiseks. Olgugi et probleeme oli maal lokkava vägivalla, teede seisukorra, kohtute efektiivsuse ja palju muuga, näitasid riigivõimu esindajad üles vähest initsiatiivi nendega tegelemiseks. Siin astus mängu kohalik aadel, kes soovis vastutasuks ressursside loovutamise eest riigivõimu luba maad vaevanud probleeme lahendada. Selleks tehti riigivõimule ettepanekuid kõikvõimalike korralduste väljaandmiseks ning uute institutsioonide asutamiseks, kusjuures loodud ametikohad olid enamasti tasustamata. Kokkuvõtteks võib öelda, et kirjeldatud vastastikuse kasu ootus suuresti realiseerus – aadel üldjuhul nõustus riigivõimu nõudmistega ning sai vastutasuks kujundada kohalikku haldust neile sobivas suunas. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5553406

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    Authors: Kurisoo, Tuuli;

    This dataset contains data collected and organised at Tallinn University, as a part of the MetDect project ("Metal-detected past: a study of long-term developments in settlement patterns, technology and visual culture on the example of metal-detector finds from Estonia" funded by the European Commission, Grant Agreement ID: 101003387). The main dataset contains information on metal-dected artefacts found in Estonia and identified by local archaeologists in the form of expert opinions (EH for short). Each record corresponds to one artefact, regardless of its condition (e.g. fragmented, burnt) or determination (e.g. unidentifiable), as long as it is recorded in the EH. Information is provided on artefact types, dates, contexts and general location. The MetDect dataset contains nearly 42,000 records. Sensitive information (excat location information) is not publicly available. The supplementary dataset shows how the EH-s are systematised for the main dataset. The number of EH-s is almost 800 and all EH-s were completed between 2013-2021.

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    Datadoi
    Dataset . 2023
    Data sources: Datadoi
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    DataDOI
    Dataset . 2023
    Data sources: B2FIND
    DataDOI
    Dataset . 2023
    Data sources: Datacite
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      Datadoi
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      Data sources: Datadoi
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      DataDOI
      Dataset . 2023
      Data sources: B2FIND
      DataDOI
      Dataset . 2023
      Data sources: Datacite
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    Authors: Tark, Triin;

    Siinne doktoritöö käsitleb rahvuskuuluvuse tähendust inimeste ja riigi vahelistes suhetes 20. sajandi esimesel poolel, kasutades näidisvalimina 1941. aastal Eestist Saksamaale ümber asunud inimeste andmeid. Uurimuse eesmärk on selgitada, kas ja kuidas riiklik rahvuspoliitika mõjutas inimeste käitumist ja vastupidi – mil määral mõjutasid inimeste valikud riikide tegevust. Valimisse hõlmatud inimestest suurem osa puutus uuritaval perioodil kokku nelja riigi – Venemaa keisririigi, Eesti Vabariigi, Nõukogude Liidu ja Saksamaa – rahvuspoliitikaga. Nende põhimõtteliselt erineva rahvuspoliitikaga riikide käsitlemine võimaldab tuvastada rahvuse ühiskondliku tähenduse universaalseid jooni. Eesmärgi täitmiseks analüüsiti inimeste eluloolisi andmeid, seadusandlust ja rahvuspoliitikat puudutavat dokumentatsiooni ning ühiskondlikke olusid puudutavaid allikaid. Doktoritööst selgus, et üksikisikute rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne määramine osutus 20. sajandi esimesel poolel keeruliseks nii riikide kui ka inimeste jaoks, sest puudusid selged kriteeriumid viimaste rahvuspõhiseks kategoriseerimiseks, ühtsed arusaamad rahvuste olemusest ning takistav tegur oli ka mõlema poole pragmaatiliste kaalutluste domineerimine rahvuse määramisel. Mida suurem oli rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne tähtsus, seda enam olid üksikisikute valikud tingitud olukorrast ning märksa vähem nende harjumuspärasest keele- ja kultuurikeskkonnast. Seetõttu ei õnnestunud riikidel peaaegu kunagi soovitud määral rakendada essentsialistlikke ja objektiivsusele pretendeerinud rahvuse määramise kriteeriume, isegi kui see oli eesmärk ja taolisi põhimõtteid seadustega kehtestada püüti. Samuti ei olnud riigid objektiivsuse rakendamisel põhimõttelised ja järjekindlad, vaid kohandasid seisukohti vastavalt pragmaatilistele huvidele ning inimeste käitumisele. Üksikisikute valikutel oli riiklikele poliitikatele märkimisväärne mõju, ehkki arvuliselt oli muutliku ja ebamäärase rahvuskuuluvusega inimesi ühiskonnas marginaalselt. This dissertation focuses on the meaning of ethnicity in the relations between individuals and states in the first half of the 20th century using the biographical data of people who resettled from Estonia to Germany in 1941 as a sample. The aim of this study is to explain whether and how ethnopolitics of the states influenced the behaviour of individuals and vice versa – to what extent individual choices influenced state policy. Most people in the sample were affected by the ethnopolitics of four states: Russian Empire, Estonian Republic, Soviet Union, and Germany. Analysing the states with fundamentally different ethnopolitics enables to identify universal characteristics of the role of ethnicity in the society. To fulfil the aim, biographical data, legislation, and documentation about ethnopolitics as well as sources about the social conditions were analysed. The dissertation shows that fixing individuals’ ethnicity turned out to be difficult for both parties – the states and individuals – since there were no clear criteria for ethnic categorisation and no common understanding about the nature of ethnicity. Pragmatic considerations of both parties also turned out to be an obstacle. The more formal importance ethnicity had, the more individuals made choices dependent on the situation and not so much on their customary lingual and cultural environment. Therefore, the states almost always failed to implement essentialist and objective criteria in fixing individuals’ ethnicity in a desired manner, even if such criteria were their aim and established by law. Furthermore, the authorities of the states were neither principled nor consistent in applying objective criteria. The states had to adapt their stances to their own pragmatic interests and according to the behaviour of individuals instead. Thus, individual choices had a remarkable impact on ethnopolitics, although people with dynamic and vague ethnic identity formed a marginal group in the society. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5450809

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    Authors: Tolonen, Mikko; Mäkelä, Eetu; Marjanen, Jani; Tahko, Tuuli;

    Peer reviewed

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    Authors: Raudsepp, Ago;

    Can a country with a constant state of emergency in its capital – as was the case in Estonia in 1918–1934 – be considered a democracy? Or a country where political violence is used against members of a parliamentary committee during a committee meeting – as was the case in Finland in 1930? Why did the Estonian Social Democrats support the 1934 coup and why did the Finnish Swedes defend the Finnish Communists? Why could Estonia not find any allies except Latvia in the 1920s and 1930s, and why was Finland left without allies in the Winter War? Why did Estonia and Finland not behave in the same way in the autumn of 1939, and why did the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand declare war on Finland in 1941? The answers to these questions lie in the relationships between democracy and security, which is exactly the topic of my dissertation. Based on the works of different philosophers, it is possible to show that democracy and security are interdependent. The relationship between democracy and security can be reduced to the classic dilemmas between freedom and security, freedom and sovereignty, and sovereignty and security. Although it is not possible to solve these dilemmas definitively, the solution can be improved indefinitely. I argue that the way in which democratic societies resolve these dilemmas does not depend on democratic culture or on the wisdom inherent in people, but on the perceptions of the majorities of democratic societies, which in turn depend primarily on historical experience. The theoretical explanation proposed in my dissertation helps to understand why Estonia’s and Finland’s quests for security failed in 1918–1948 and why Estonia and Finland made different choices at the turning points of their history. The behaviour of Estonia’s leaders during the events of 1939 and 1940 also becomes understandable. Hopefully, my dissertation will contribute to a fair judgement of the activities of Konstantin Päts and Johan Laidoner, and to reconciling Estonian society on the question of whether they were heroes or villains. However, the most important aim is to contribute to an understanding of just how fragile democracy and security can be, how they depend on each other and, in particular, how they depend on historical experience. Kas saab pidada demokraatlikuks riiki, mille pealinnas kehtib pidev erakorraline seisukord – nagu oli Eesti aastatel 1918–1934? Või riiki, kus parlamendikomisjoni liikmete vastu kasutatakse poliitilist vägivalda komisjoni istungi toimumise ajal – nagu oli Soome aastal 1930? Miks Eesti sotsiaaldemokraadid toetasid 1934. aasta riigipööret ja miks soomerootslased kaitsesid Soome kommuniste? Miks ei õnnestunud 1920-ndate ja 1930-ndate Eestil leida ühtegi liitlast peale Läti ja miks jäi Soome talvesõjas ilma liitlasteta? Miks Eesti ja Soome 1939. aasta sügisel ühtemoodi ei käitunud ja miks Ühendkuningriik, Kanada, Austraalia ja Uus-Meremaa 1941. aastal Soomele sõja kuulutasid? Vastus peitub demokraatia ja julgeoleku vahelistes seostes, mida minu väitekiri uuribki. Erinevate filosoofide töödele tuginedes on võimalik näidata, et demokraatia ja julgeolek sõltuvad vastastikku üksteisest. Demokraatia ja julgeoleku vaheline seos on taandatav klassikalistele dilemmadele vabaduse ja julgeoleku, vabaduse ja suveräänsuse ja suveräänsuse ja julgeoleku vahel. Kuigi dilemmasid ei ole võimalik lõplikult lahendada, on lahendust võimalik lõputult täiustada. Ma väidan, et see, kuidas demokraatlikud ühiskonnad neid dilemmasid lahendavad, ei sõltu mitte demokraatlikust kultuurist või rahvale omasest tarkusest, vaid demokraatlike ühiskondade enamuste arusaamadest, mis omakorda sõltuvad eelkõige ajaloolisest kogemusest. Minu väitekirjas välja pakutud teoreetiline selgitus aitab mõista, miks Eesti ja Soome julgeolekuotsingud aastatel 1918–1948 läbi kukkusid ja miks Eesti ja Soome oma ajaloo pöördepunktides erinevaid valikuid tegid. Mõistetavaks muutub ka Eesti riigijuhtide käitumine 1939. ja 1940. aasta sündmuste ajal. Loodetavasti aitab minu väitekiri kaasa õiglase hinnangu andmisele Konstantin Pätsi ja Johan Laidoneri tegevusele ja Eesti ühiskonna lepitamisele küsimuses, kas tegemist oli kangelaste või kurjategijatega. Kõige tähtsam on siiski aidata kaasa mõistmisele, kuivõrd haprad võivad olla demokraatia ja julgeolek, kuidas nad vastastikku üksteisest sõltuvad ja eriti – kuidas nad sõltuvad ajaloolisest kogemusest. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5391015

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    Authors: Lindström, Kati;

    QC 20200415

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    Authors: Laidla, Janet;

    For a historian the early modern chronicle is most commonly a historical source – good or bad, reliable or untrustworthy. Based on this information the historian decides how much he or she can use the events recorded and historical figures described in the chronicle to reconstruct the past. For those researchers who study the history of historiography, the chronicle represents the reflections of the historical knowledge and the idea of history of the period in question. He or she is interested in the author, his or her motives, circumstances concerning the creation of the work, author’s sources and the reception of the work by its peers and followers. Historians and historians of historiography have studied the early modern chronicles written in Estland, Livland and Courland and agreed upon their trustworthiness, however, equal attention has not been given to the chronicles as reflectors of the historical knowledge of the period and to how the chronicles received new developments in Western European historiography. This dissertation contains seven articles on the early modern historiography which look at the influence of social factors (such as power, wars, spreading of printing presses), Western European ideas (idea of history, antiquarianism, Gothicism) and author’s personal choice of sources on historiography in Estland, Livland and Courland. In summary it can be said that historians received different ideas from Western Europe, however, none of them rose to the level of fame as some of their contemporaries in Europe. In the dialogue with the cultural centre, they were at the receiving end and not an equal partner. Concerning the societal factors, there is usually a combination of aspects influencing the writing of history at any given time. Thus, we cannot say that warfare or the establishment pf printing shops definitely encouraged or discouraged the writing of history, printing and distribution of historical works. When in 16th century the authors were more concerned with descriptions of contemporary events for future generations then in 17th century some authors aspired to write a more comprehensive overview on local history from the earliest times. Ajaloolasele on varauusaegne kroonika enamasti allikas – hea või halb, usaldusväärne või ebausaldusväärne – ning sellest lähtuvalt otsustab ajaloolane kui palju saab ta kasutada kroonikas kirjeldatud sündmusi ja inimeste tegusid selleks, et minevikku rekonstrueerida. Ajalookirjanduse ajaloo uurijale on kroonika oma ajastu ajaloo teadmiste ja ajaloo idee peegeldus. Teda huvitab autori isik, tema motiivid, kroonika valmimisega seotud asjaolud, krooniku allikad ja selle edasine saatus ajaloomaastikul. Mis puudutab kroonika allikalist väärtust, siis selles osas on ajalookirjutuse ajaloo uurijad ja ajaloolased varauusaegsete kroonikaid uurinud ning neile hinnangu andnud. Vähem on uuritud kroonikaid kui oma ajastu ajalookirjutuse peegleid ning seda, kuidas võtsid need vastu Lääne-Euroopas levinud ajalooteaduse arenguid või kuidas ühiskondlikud tegurid ajalookirjutust mõjutada võisid. Käesolev doktoriväitekiri sisaldab seitset sissevaadet varauusaegsesse ajalookirjutusse uurides ühiskondlike tegurite (võim, sõda, trükikunsti levik), Lääne-Euroopast tulnud ideede (ajaloo idee, antikvaarne liikumine, gootitsism) ning autori individuaalse allikavaliku mõju ajalookirjutusele Eestimaal, Liivimaal ja Kuramaal. Kokkuvõttes võib tõdeda, et Eestimaa, Liivimaa ja Kuramaa ajalookirjutajad võtsid vastu erinevaid Lääne-Euroopas levinud ideid ning lugesid uuemat kirjandust, kuid nende endi keskelt ei kerkinud esile ajaloolast, kes oleks olnud üle Euroopa tuntud. Dialoogis Euroopa kultuuri keskusega jäädi pigem vastuvõtjaks kui võrdseks partneriks. Ühiskondlike tegurite mõju avaldus enamasti paljude tegurite kombinatsioonis kui selgelt üheselt. Näiteks ei saa väita, et sõjategevus või trükikodade asutamine Eesti-, Liivi- ja Kuramaale alati julgustas või vastupidi pärssis ajalooteoste sündi, trükkimist või levikut. Kui 16. sajandil oli ajalookirjutajate jaoks esiplaanil oma eluajal toimunud sündmuste kirjeldamine järeltulevate põlvede jaoks, siis 17. sajandil asusid mitmed autorid koostama terviklikumat käsitlust kohalikust ajaloost. Väitekirja elektrooniline versioon ei sisalda publikatsioone

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    Authors: Esse, Liisi;

    The 100th anniversary from the outbreak of the First World War (WWI) has increased the number of academic studies dedicated to the war both in Western Europe as well as in Estonia and elsewhere in Eastern Europe, where it was heretofore rather known as the “forgotten war”. This increased focus has revealed several gaps in the local historiography, especially in relation to the social and cultural aspects of the war. Among these gaps is the topic of the war experience of soldiers and its post-war meaning, which stands in the center of this doctoral thesis. The thesis relies on Estonian soldiers’ letters, diaries, memoirs and materials of veterans’ organizations, and analyzes both the common as well as previously less explored elements of the war experience of Estonian soldiers who served in the Russian Army during WWI. The thesis examines the formation of the experience during the war as well as its postwar meaning over a long timespan, i.e. how the experience was perceived and re-implemented in the transformed sociopolitical context during the interwar period and the Soviet era. By analyzing the central aspects of the Estonians’ war experience (enemy-image, self-image, relations with fellow soldiers and with the home front, returning home), the factors that affected these aspects (the context of the Russian Army, postwar conflicts), and the postwar meaning of the experience, the thesis places the Estonian case study into the wider framework of the local and international historiography and highlights the need to further research the experiences of minorities who served in the Russian Army as well as the numerous aspects of the “long” WWI on the Eastern Front. Saja aasta möödumine Esimese maailmasõja puhkemisest aktualiseeris teemakohast ajalookirjutust nii Lääne-Euroopas kui ka Eestis ja mujal Ida-Euroopas, kus ilmasõda tunti seni pigem “unustatud sõjana”. Sellest tulenevalt on siinses ajalookirjutuses tulnud nähtavale mitmed lüngad, eriti sõja ühiskondlike ja kultuuriliste aspektide käsitlemisel. Viimaste hulka kuulub sõdurite kogemuse ja selle sõjajärgse tähenduse analüüs, mis on antud doktoritöö uurimisülesanne. Tuginedes eesti sõdurite kirjadele, päevikutele ja mälestustele ning veteranide organisatsioonide materjalidele, analüüsib väitekiri Esimeses maailmasõjas Vene armee koosseisus osalenud eestlastest sõdurite sõjakogemuse ühisosa, selle eripäraseid ja/või seni vähest tähelepanu pälvinud komponente. Töö käsitleb sõja kestel omandatud kogemust ning viimase tähendust pikemal aegreal, st kogemusele hinnangu andmist ja selle rakendamist 1920.–1930. aastate ning nõukogude perioodi teisenenud ühiskondlik-poliitilistes oludes. Analüüsides eestlaste sõjakogemuse iseloomulikumaid komponente (vaenlase- ja enesekuvand, suhted kaassõdurite ja kodurindega, kojupöördumine), neid mõjutanud tegureid (nt Vene armee taustsüsteem, ilmasõjale järgnenud konfliktid) ning kogemuse sõjajärgset tähendust, astub töö diskussiooni maailmasõja alase lokaalse ja rahvusvahelise historiograafiaga ning juhib tähelepanu vajadusele Vene armees teeninud väikerahvaste kogemuse problemaatikat, aga ka erinevaid “pika” Esimese maailmasõja aspekte idarindel kompleksselt analüüsida. Väitekirja elektrooniline versioon ei sisalda publikatsioone.

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  • image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
    Authors: Tammisto, Ilmar;

    Anyone that has studied Estonian history has at least some sort of a perception of both the Baltic German nobility and the time period when the territory of modern-day Estonia was a part of the Swedish empire. The expression “good old Swedish time” is well known to most Estonians, even if one is not entirely certain of what is meant by the expression. Similarly, the stereotype of a cruel and greedy landlord who only seeks personal gain is a familiar one. The goal of my dissertation was to offer additional interpretations about the aspirations and attitudes of the Swedish state authorities and the Baltic German nobility. I focused on Swedish Livland (an administrative unit on the territory of modern-day Southern-Estonia and Northern-Latvia) in the years 1634 to 1680. During this time there was a significant increase in the influence of the Livonian nobility and a network of institutions run by the local nobility developed in Livland, which in many respects formed a parallel governance structure to that of the state. Among other things, I wanted to find out why the Swedish state authorities allowed these developments to occur and what was the Livonian nobility trying to achieve with the help of their strengthened position. I reached the conclusion that the aforementioned developments were largely influenced by the expectation of mutual benefits. Swedish state authorities hoped that in return for certain favours, they could acquire additional resources from the Livonian nobility and affirm their allegiance to the Swedish crown. It became evident that besides collecting taxes and protecting the province, the state had very limited capacities to deal with other issues. Although there were problems with public violence, conditions of roads and bridges, efficiency of the courts and many other issues, the representatives of the state showed little initiative to deal with them. Here, the local nobility stepped in. In return for giving up resources, the Livonian nobility sought the permission of the state to deal with the issues troubling the land. For this end, proposals were made to state officials for the issuing of regulations and the founding of new institutions, the offices of which were in most cases without any kind of remuneration. To conclude, it can be said that the expectation of mutual benefits was largely met for both sides – the nobility generally acceded to the demands of the state and in return had the opportunity to influence local governance in a way that was suitable to them. Igaühel, kes on õppinud Eesti ajalugu, on vähemalt mingisugune ettekujutus nii baltisaksa aadlist kui ka ajast, mil tänapäevase Eesti territoorium kuulus Rootsi riigi koosseisu. Väljend „vana hea Rootsi aeg“ on enamikele tuttav, isegi kui ei olda päris kindlad, et milles siis ikkagi see Rootsi aja headus seisnes. Samamoodi kangastub hõlpsasti kujutelm julmast ja ahnest mõisnikust, kes üksnes enda kitsaste erahuvide eest seisis. Seadsin enda doktoritöös eesmärgiks pakkuda täiendavaid tõlgendusi Rootsi riigivõimu ja baltisaksa aadli püüdlustele ja hoiakutele. Keskendusin Rootsi riigi koosseisu kuulunud Liivimaale (tänapäevase Lõuna-Eesti ja Põhja-Läti aladel asunud haldusüksus) aastatel 1634—1680. Kõnealusel ajavahemikul kasvas Liivimaal märgatavalt kohaliku aadli mõjuvõim ning kujunes välja aadli hallatud institutsioonide võrgustik, mis moodustas mitmes mõttes paralleelse haldusstruktuuri riikliku oma kõrval. Soovisin töös muu hulgas teada saada, miks lasi Rootsi riigivõim sellisel olukorral tekkida ning mida üritasid Liivimaa aadlikud tugevnenud positsiooni abil saavutada. Jõudsin järeldusele, et kirjeldatud arenguid tõukas suuresti tagant vastastikuse kasu ootus. Rootsi riigivõim lootis Liivimaa aadlile järeleandmisi tehes hankida neilt vastutasuks täiendavaid ressursse ning kindlustada kohaliku aadli lojaalsus Rootsi riigi ees. Töös ilmnes, et peale maksude kogumise ja Liivimaa kaitsmise jagus riigivõimul vähe võimekust muude teemadega tegelemiseks. Olgugi et probleeme oli maal lokkava vägivalla, teede seisukorra, kohtute efektiivsuse ja palju muuga, näitasid riigivõimu esindajad üles vähest initsiatiivi nendega tegelemiseks. Siin astus mängu kohalik aadel, kes soovis vastutasuks ressursside loovutamise eest riigivõimu luba maad vaevanud probleeme lahendada. Selleks tehti riigivõimule ettepanekuid kõikvõimalike korralduste väljaandmiseks ning uute institutsioonide asutamiseks, kusjuures loodud ametikohad olid enamasti tasustamata. Kokkuvõtteks võib öelda, et kirjeldatud vastastikuse kasu ootus suuresti realiseerus – aadel üldjuhul nõustus riigivõimu nõudmistega ning sai vastutasuks kujundada kohalikku haldust neile sobivas suunas. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5553406

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    Authors: Kurisoo, Tuuli;

    This dataset contains data collected and organised at Tallinn University, as a part of the MetDect project ("Metal-detected past: a study of long-term developments in settlement patterns, technology and visual culture on the example of metal-detector finds from Estonia" funded by the European Commission, Grant Agreement ID: 101003387). The main dataset contains information on metal-dected artefacts found in Estonia and identified by local archaeologists in the form of expert opinions (EH for short). Each record corresponds to one artefact, regardless of its condition (e.g. fragmented, burnt) or determination (e.g. unidentifiable), as long as it is recorded in the EH. Information is provided on artefact types, dates, contexts and general location. The MetDect dataset contains nearly 42,000 records. Sensitive information (excat location information) is not publicly available. The supplementary dataset shows how the EH-s are systematised for the main dataset. The number of EH-s is almost 800 and all EH-s were completed between 2013-2021.

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    Datadoi
    Dataset . 2023
    Data sources: Datadoi
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    DataDOI
    Dataset . 2023
    Data sources: B2FIND
    DataDOI
    Dataset . 2023
    Data sources: Datacite
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      Datadoi
      Dataset . 2023
      Data sources: Datadoi
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      Dataset . 2023
      Data sources: B2FIND
      DataDOI
      Dataset . 2023
      Data sources: Datacite
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    Authors: Tark, Triin;

    Siinne doktoritöö käsitleb rahvuskuuluvuse tähendust inimeste ja riigi vahelistes suhetes 20. sajandi esimesel poolel, kasutades näidisvalimina 1941. aastal Eestist Saksamaale ümber asunud inimeste andmeid. Uurimuse eesmärk on selgitada, kas ja kuidas riiklik rahvuspoliitika mõjutas inimeste käitumist ja vastupidi – mil määral mõjutasid inimeste valikud riikide tegevust. Valimisse hõlmatud inimestest suurem osa puutus uuritaval perioodil kokku nelja riigi – Venemaa keisririigi, Eesti Vabariigi, Nõukogude Liidu ja Saksamaa – rahvuspoliitikaga. Nende põhimõtteliselt erineva rahvuspoliitikaga riikide käsitlemine võimaldab tuvastada rahvuse ühiskondliku tähenduse universaalseid jooni. Eesmärgi täitmiseks analüüsiti inimeste eluloolisi andmeid, seadusandlust ja rahvuspoliitikat puudutavat dokumentatsiooni ning ühiskondlikke olusid puudutavaid allikaid. Doktoritööst selgus, et üksikisikute rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne määramine osutus 20. sajandi esimesel poolel keeruliseks nii riikide kui ka inimeste jaoks, sest puudusid selged kriteeriumid viimaste rahvuspõhiseks kategoriseerimiseks, ühtsed arusaamad rahvuste olemusest ning takistav tegur oli ka mõlema poole pragmaatiliste kaalutluste domineerimine rahvuse määramisel. Mida suurem oli rahvuskuuluvuse formaalne tähtsus, seda enam olid üksikisikute valikud tingitud olukorrast ning märksa vähem nende harjumuspärasest keele- ja kultuurikeskkonnast. Seetõttu ei õnnestunud riikidel peaaegu kunagi soovitud määral rakendada essentsialistlikke ja objektiivsusele pretendeerinud rahvuse määramise kriteeriume, isegi kui see oli eesmärk ja taolisi põhimõtteid seadustega kehtestada püüti. Samuti ei olnud riigid objektiivsuse rakendamisel põhimõttelised ja järjekindlad, vaid kohandasid seisukohti vastavalt pragmaatilistele huvidele ning inimeste käitumisele. Üksikisikute valikutel oli riiklikele poliitikatele märkimisväärne mõju, ehkki arvuliselt oli muutliku ja ebamäärase rahvuskuuluvusega inimesi ühiskonnas marginaalselt. This dissertation focuses on the meaning of ethnicity in the relations between individuals and states in the first half of the 20th century using the biographical data of people who resettled from Estonia to Germany in 1941 as a sample. The aim of this study is to explain whether and how ethnopolitics of the states influenced the behaviour of individuals and vice versa – to what extent individual choices influenced state policy. Most people in the sample were affected by the ethnopolitics of four states: Russian Empire, Estonian Republic, Soviet Union, and Germany. Analysing the states with fundamentally different ethnopolitics enables to identify universal characteristics of the role of ethnicity in the society. To fulfil the aim, biographical data, legislation, and documentation about ethnopolitics as well as sources about the social conditions were analysed. The dissertation shows that fixing individuals’ ethnicity turned out to be difficult for both parties – the states and individuals – since there were no clear criteria for ethnic categorisation and no common understanding about the nature of ethnicity. Pragmatic considerations of both parties also turned out to be an obstacle. The more formal importance ethnicity had, the more individuals made choices dependent on the situation and not so much on their customary lingual and cultural environment. Therefore, the states almost always failed to implement essentialist and objective criteria in fixing individuals’ ethnicity in a desired manner, even if such criteria were their aim and established by law. Furthermore, the authorities of the states were neither principled nor consistent in applying objective criteria. The states had to adapt their stances to their own pragmatic interests and according to the behaviour of individuals instead. Thus, individual choices had a remarkable impact on ethnopolitics, although people with dynamic and vague ethnic identity formed a marginal group in the society. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5450809

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    Authors: Tolonen, Mikko; Mäkelä, Eetu; Marjanen, Jani; Tahko, Tuuli;

    Peer reviewed

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    Authors: Raudsepp, Ago;

    Can a country with a constant state of emergency in its capital – as was the case in Estonia in 1918–1934 – be considered a democracy? Or a country where political violence is used against members of a parliamentary committee during a committee meeting – as was the case in Finland in 1930? Why did the Estonian Social Democrats support the 1934 coup and why did the Finnish Swedes defend the Finnish Communists? Why could Estonia not find any allies except Latvia in the 1920s and 1930s, and why was Finland left without allies in the Winter War? Why did Estonia and Finland not behave in the same way in the autumn of 1939, and why did the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand declare war on Finland in 1941? The answers to these questions lie in the relationships between democracy and security, which is exactly the topic of my dissertation. Based on the works of different philosophers, it is possible to show that democracy and security are interdependent. The relationship between democracy and security can be reduced to the classic dilemmas between freedom and security, freedom and sovereignty, and sovereignty and security. Although it is not possible to solve these dilemmas definitively, the solution can be improved indefinitely. I argue that the way in which democratic societies resolve these dilemmas does not depend on democratic culture or on the wisdom inherent in people, but on the perceptions of the majorities of democratic societies, which in turn depend primarily on historical experience. The theoretical explanation proposed in my dissertation helps to understand why Estonia’s and Finland’s quests for security failed in 1918–1948 and why Estonia and Finland made different choices at the turning points of their history. The behaviour of Estonia’s leaders during the events of 1939 and 1940 also becomes understandable. Hopefully, my dissertation will contribute to a fair judgement of the activities of Konstantin Päts and Johan Laidoner, and to reconciling Estonian society on the question of whether they were heroes or villains. However, the most important aim is to contribute to an understanding of just how fragile democracy and security can be, how they depend on each other and, in particular, how they depend on historical experience. Kas saab pidada demokraatlikuks riiki, mille pealinnas kehtib pidev erakorraline seisukord – nagu oli Eesti aastatel 1918–1934? Või riiki, kus parlamendikomisjoni liikmete vastu kasutatakse poliitilist vägivalda komisjoni istungi toimumise ajal – nagu oli Soome aastal 1930? Miks Eesti sotsiaaldemokraadid toetasid 1934. aasta riigipööret ja miks soomerootslased kaitsesid Soome kommuniste? Miks ei õnnestunud 1920-ndate ja 1930-ndate Eestil leida ühtegi liitlast peale Läti ja miks jäi Soome talvesõjas ilma liitlasteta? Miks Eesti ja Soome 1939. aasta sügisel ühtemoodi ei käitunud ja miks Ühendkuningriik, Kanada, Austraalia ja Uus-Meremaa 1941. aastal Soomele sõja kuulutasid? Vastus peitub demokraatia ja julgeoleku vahelistes seostes, mida minu väitekiri uuribki. Erinevate filosoofide töödele tuginedes on võimalik näidata, et demokraatia ja julgeolek sõltuvad vastastikku üksteisest. Demokraatia ja julgeoleku vaheline seos on taandatav klassikalistele dilemmadele vabaduse ja julgeoleku, vabaduse ja suveräänsuse ja suveräänsuse ja julgeoleku vahel. Kuigi dilemmasid ei ole võimalik lõplikult lahendada, on lahendust võimalik lõputult täiustada. Ma väidan, et see, kuidas demokraatlikud ühiskonnad neid dilemmasid lahendavad, ei sõltu mitte demokraatlikust kultuurist või rahvale omasest tarkusest, vaid demokraatlike ühiskondade enamuste arusaamadest, mis omakorda sõltuvad eelkõige ajaloolisest kogemusest. Minu väitekirjas välja pakutud teoreetiline selgitus aitab mõista, miks Eesti ja Soome julgeolekuotsingud aastatel 1918–1948 läbi kukkusid ja miks Eesti ja Soome oma ajaloo pöördepunktides erinevaid valikuid tegid. Mõistetavaks muutub ka Eesti riigijuhtide käitumine 1939. ja 1940. aasta sündmuste ajal. Loodetavasti aitab minu väitekiri kaasa õiglase hinnangu andmisele Konstantin Pätsi ja Johan Laidoneri tegevusele ja Eesti ühiskonna lepitamisele küsimuses, kas tegemist oli kangelaste või kurjategijatega. Kõige tähtsam on siiski aidata kaasa mõistmisele, kuivõrd haprad võivad olla demokraatia ja julgeolek, kuidas nad vastastikku üksteisest sõltuvad ja eriti – kuidas nad sõltuvad ajaloolisest kogemusest. https://www.ester.ee/record=b5391015

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    Authors: Lindström, Kati;

    QC 20200415

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    Authors: Laidla, Janet;

    For a historian the early modern chronicle is most commonly a historical source – good or bad, reliable or untrustworthy. Based on this information the historian decides how much he or she can use the events recorded and historical figures described in the chronicle to reconstruct the past. For those researchers who study the history of historiography, the chronicle represents the reflections of the historical knowledge and the idea of history of the period in question. He or she is interested in the author, his or her motives, circumstances concerning the creation of the work, author’s sources and the reception of the work by its peers and followers. Historians and historians of historiography have studied the early modern chronicles written in Estland, Livland and Courland and agreed upon their trustworthiness, however, equal attention has not been given to the chronicles as reflectors of the historical knowledge of the period and to how the chronicles received new developments in Western European historiography. This dissertation contains seven articles on the early modern historiography which look at the influence of social factors (such as power, wars, spreading of printing presses), Western European ideas (idea of history, antiquarianism, Gothicism) and author’s personal choice of sources on historiography in Estland, Livland and Courland. In summary it can be said that historians received different ideas from Western Europe, however, none of them rose to the level of fame as some of their contemporaries in Europe. In the dialogue with the cultural centre, they were at the receiving end and not an equal partner. Concerning the societal factors, there is usually a combination of aspects influencing the writing of history at any given time. Thus, we cannot say that warfare or the establishment pf printing shops definitely encouraged or discouraged the writing of history, printing and distribution of historical works. When in 16th century the authors were more concerned with descriptions of contemporary events for future generations then in 17th century some authors aspired to write a more comprehensive overview on local history from the earliest times. Ajaloolasele on varauusaegne kroonika enamasti allikas – hea või halb, usaldusväärne või ebausaldusväärne – ning sellest lähtuvalt otsustab ajaloolane kui palju saab ta kasutada kroonikas kirjeldatud sündmusi ja inimeste tegusid selleks, et minevikku rekonstrueerida. Ajalookirjanduse ajaloo uurijale on kroonika oma ajastu ajaloo teadmiste ja ajaloo idee peegeldus. Teda huvitab autori isik, tema motiivid, kroonika valmimisega seotud asjaolud, krooniku allikad ja selle edasine saatus ajaloomaastikul. Mis puudutab kroonika allikalist väärtust, siis selles osas on ajalookirjutuse ajaloo uurijad ja ajaloolased varauusaegsete kroonikaid uurinud ning neile hinnangu andnud. Vähem on uuritud kroonikaid kui oma ajastu ajalookirjutuse peegleid ning seda, kuidas võtsid need vastu Lääne-Euroopas levinud ajalooteaduse arenguid või kuidas ühiskondlikud tegurid ajalookirjutust mõjutada võisid. Käesolev doktoriväitekiri sisaldab seitset sissevaadet varauusaegsesse ajalookirjutusse uurides ühiskondlike tegurite (võim, sõda, trükikunsti levik), Lääne-Euroopast tulnud ideede (ajaloo idee, antikvaarne liikumine, gootitsism) ning autori individuaalse allikavaliku mõju ajalookirjutusele Eestimaal, Liivimaal ja Kuramaal. Kokkuvõttes võib tõdeda, et Eestimaa, Liivimaa ja Kuramaa ajalookirjutajad võtsid vastu erinevaid Lääne-Euroopas levinud ideid ning lugesid uuemat kirjandust, kuid nende endi keskelt ei kerkinud esile ajaloolast, kes oleks olnud üle Euroopa tuntud. Dialoogis Euroopa kultuuri keskusega jäädi pigem vastuvõtjaks kui võrdseks partneriks. Ühiskondlike tegurite mõju avaldus enamasti paljude tegurite kombinatsioonis kui selgelt üheselt. Näiteks ei saa väita, et sõjategevus või trükikodade asutamine Eesti-, Liivi- ja Kuramaale alati julgustas või vastupidi pärssis ajalooteoste sündi, trükkimist või levikut. Kui 16. sajandil oli ajalookirjutajate jaoks esiplaanil oma eluajal toimunud sündmuste kirjeldamine järeltulevate põlvede jaoks, siis 17. sajandil asusid mitmed autorid koostama terviklikumat käsitlust kohalikust ajaloost. Väitekirja elektrooniline versioon ei sisalda publikatsioone

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    Authors: Esse, Liisi;

    The 100th anniversary from the outbreak of the First World War (WWI) has increased the number of academic studies dedicated to the war both in Western Europe as well as in Estonia and elsewhere in Eastern Europe, where it was heretofore rather known as the “forgotten war”. This increased focus has revealed several gaps in the local historiography, especially in relation to the social and cultural aspects of the war. Among these gaps is the topic of the war experience of soldiers and its post-war meaning, which stands in the center of this doctoral thesis. The thesis relies on Estonian soldiers’ letters, diaries, memoirs and materials of veterans’ organizations, and analyzes both the common as well as previously less explored elements of the war experience of Estonian soldiers who served in the Russian Army during WWI. The thesis examines the formation of the experience during the war as well as its postwar meaning over a long timespan, i.e. how the experience was perceived and re-implemented in the transformed sociopolitical context during the interwar period and the Soviet era. By analyzing the central aspects of the Estonians’ war experience (enemy-image, self-image, relations with fellow soldiers and with the home front, returning home), the factors that affected these aspects (the context of the Russian Army, postwar conflicts), and the postwar meaning of the experience, the thesis places the Estonian case study into the wider framework of the local and international historiography and highlights the need to further research the experiences of minorities who served in the Russian Army as well as the numerous aspects of the “long” WWI on the Eastern Front. Saja aasta möödumine Esimese maailmasõja puhkemisest aktualiseeris teemakohast ajalookirjutust nii Lääne-Euroopas kui ka Eestis ja mujal Ida-Euroopas, kus ilmasõda tunti seni pigem “unustatud sõjana”. Sellest tulenevalt on siinses ajalookirjutuses tulnud nähtavale mitmed lüngad, eriti sõja ühiskondlike ja kultuuriliste aspektide käsitlemisel. Viimaste hulka kuulub sõdurite kogemuse ja selle sõjajärgse tähenduse analüüs, mis on antud doktoritöö uurimisülesanne. Tuginedes eesti sõdurite kirjadele, päevikutele ja mälestustele ning veteranide organisatsioonide materjalidele, analüüsib väitekiri Esimeses maailmasõjas Vene armee koosseisus osalenud eestlastest sõdurite sõjakogemuse ühisosa, selle eripäraseid ja/või seni vähest tähelepanu pälvinud komponente. Töö käsitleb sõja kestel omandatud kogemust ning viimase tähendust pikemal aegreal, st kogemusele hinnangu andmist ja selle rakendamist 1920.–1930. aastate ning nõukogude perioodi teisenenud ühiskondlik-poliitilistes oludes. Analüüsides eestlaste sõjakogemuse iseloomulikumaid komponente (vaenlase- ja enesekuvand, suhted kaassõdurite ja kodurindega, kojupöördumine), neid mõjutanud tegureid (nt Vene armee taustsüsteem, ilmasõjale järgnenud konfliktid) ning kogemuse sõjajärgset tähendust, astub töö diskussiooni maailmasõja alase lokaalse ja rahvusvahelise historiograafiaga ning juhib tähelepanu vajadusele Vene armees teeninud väikerahvaste kogemuse problemaatikat, aga ka erinevaid “pika” Esimese maailmasõja aspekte idarindel kompleksselt analüüsida. Väitekirja elektrooniline versioon ei sisalda publikatsioone.

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      image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/ DSpace at Tartu Univ...arrow_drop_down
      image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
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