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As colonized peoples Native Americans have had a complicated relationship to the United States. They have faced the question of whether they should demand tribal independence or embrace American citizenship. During the early 1970s, when radical ethnic and political movements occupied center stage in the United States, and in 1992, when the 500 year anniversary of Columbus discovery of America was celebrated, the issue of Indian American identification was actualized. The various possible ways in which Native Americans could identify in relation to the United States made their identification often seem contradictory. The same group and even the same individual could identify as both part of and apart from the United States. Likewise, the same event could trigger different identifications in relation to the United States. How can this be explained? In this thesis I offer an explanation of Indian American identification that combines the perspectives of world view and historical context. Native Americans have related to two different world views, a Western world view which imagines a world made up of states, and a "traditional" Indian world view which imagines a world made up of peoples placed on their lands by the Creator. Different ways of understanding the world impacted how Native Americans understood "America," as USA or Indian ancestral homelands. Different world views provided different images of Native American relationship to the United States. These images could be put forward or be actualized in different contexts. The historical context influenced which images were most commonly chosen. During the 1970s, given the period's generally revolutionary discourse, more separatist images were prominent. In 1992, when a government-to-government relationship between tribal and federal governments was firmly established, Indians chose a more inclusive relationship to the Untied States.

From Reagan to Trump: Populist expressions within the Republican Party 1980–2017 is a bachelor thesis by Angelica Carlsson. The aim of the thesis is to explain populist expressions within the Republican Party in the United States during the period 1980–2017. Populist expressions in political speeches by the presidents Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush and Donald Trump are investigated and graded based on Kirk A. Hawkin's criteria of populism. The thesis is also taking the theoretical terms thin and thick populism into consideration. In order to explain the populist expressions the historical context and the historical development of the Republican Party is taken into account. The main findings of the thesis is that Reagan's and Trump's speeches has the highest degree of populist expressions, while Bush's speeches has a lower degree of populist expressions. The study explains this from the historical context, where 1980 and 2016 were characterized by more political instability than 2000. The study illustrates how populism does not arise from nothing and should be understood in relation to the historical context. Från Reagan till Trump: Populistiska uttryck inom det republikanska partiet 1980–2017 är en kandidatuppsats av Angelica Carlsson. Syftet med studien är att förklara förekomsten av populistiska uttryck inom det republikanska partiet i USA under tidsperioden 1980–2017. Populistiska uttryck i politiska tal av presidenterna Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush och Donald Trump undersöks och graderas utifrån Kirk A. Hawkins sex kriterier över populism. Talen analyseras också utifrån de teoretiska begreppen tunn respektive tjock populism. För att förklara de populistiska uttrycken beaktar studien den historiska kontexten och utvecklingslinjer inom det republikanska partiet. Utifrån studiens resultat kan konstateras att de populistiska uttrycken är högst i Reagans och Trumps tal, medan Bushs tal har en lägre grad av populism. I studien förklaras detta utifrån den historiska kontexten, där 1980 och 2016 präglades av mer politisk instabilitet än 2000. Studien belyser hur populism inte uppstår ur tomma intet utan ska förstås i relation till kontexten i vilken den uttrycks.

The purpose of this essay is to investigate how the Dakota conflict in 1862 affected the Swedish immigrants in Minnesota and how the collective memory was shaped in that particular group of people. To examine the contents of the collective memory this essay uses the theories of Halbwachs on collective memory as well as Orm Øverlands theories on creating an identity and ethnic memory in USA since the concepts of collective memory and the process of creating an identity is connected on a basic level. The essay compares the collective memory created by the Swedish-Americans with the collective memories of the Dakota Indians and finds indications that both ethnic groups have a highly traumatized memory of the conflict. However the difference between the two groups is that the Indians have both positive and negative memories of the conflict while the Swedish-Americans only have negative memories. Furthermore the essay finds that the fear of Indians that was present in the Swedish-American ethnic groups can be traced back to events of the Dakota Conflict. The reports published in Hemlandet, a newspaper on Swedish, have furthermore added to the, in many cases, unmotivated fear of Indians.

Fashion and clothing have always been a cultural vessel of self-expression, but how has it also been used as a tool of societal control and an expression of a perceived mass ideal? Throughout history, women have been treated as second class citizens and often as political chess pieces within the grander scheme of the western narrative of society. Often, this dominance over women was exerted covertly through spaces they were allowed to occupy, namely dress, fashion, and especially within media. The discourse of feminism, fashion, and media’s influence surrounding them, will be explored through the analysis of the Edwardian fashion trend, the hobble skirt. 

This thesis studies the history of the Scottish anti-slavery societies after the abolition of British West Indian slavery in 1833. These societies aimed at abolition of slavery throughout the world. In practice, however, because of the close tics between Britain and North America, they focused their attention on Negro slavery in the Southern States of the U. S. A. Due to the strong tradition of abolitionist enthusiasm in Scotland and the personal influence of George Thompson, the societies in Glasgow and Edinburgh wore founded before bodies with similar aims existed in England. Even before the anti-slavery movement split up in 1841, they maintained their independence, and in some cases differed from London abolitionists over the correct actions to be taken against slavery. By 1840, the American anti-slavery societies were divided Into a conservative faction or 'New Organisation', and a radical or Garrisonian faction referred to as the 'Old Organisation'. This split was revealed to British abolitionists at the 1840 London World's Anti-Slavery Convention, and they themselves divided in 1841 during the visit of the American Garrisonian abolitionist John Anderson Collins. In this division, the national anti-slavery society took a conservative or 'New Organisation' standpoint. Groups of abolitionists in Glasgow and Edinburgh, allied with another group in Dublin, supported the 'Old Organisation' led by William Lloyd Garrison. Throughout the forties, this division persisted. Nevertheless, abolitionists continually tried to influence the relationship between the British churches and slavery. Three test-cases may be taken to show the way in which different denominations used the slavery issue to attack their rivals. The some concern over church policy on slavery appears in the fifties. The fifties also saw the 'Old Organisation'/''New Organisation' split persist, although the 'Old Organisation' now had many supporters in the provinces outside Scotland and Ireland, notably in Bristol. However, by the 1850's the movement In Scotland and elsewhere was going into a decline, although interest in slavery persisted until after the Civil War. British enthusiasm for Harriet Beecher Stowe was very different from the work of the old anti; slavery societies. Division and impotence to affect the American situation eventually hamstrung the British anti-slavery societies. The conclusions of the thesis are that the divisions in the British anti-slavery movement were identical to American ones, and that these divisions were used to gain advantage in Scottish or national disputes on other subjects. This demonstrates the extraordinarily close comity between the Atlantic middle classes in the middle third of the last century. It is also suggested that the relation between Scotland and London caused the Scottish abolitionists to behave differently in abolitionist controversies from the metropolitan leaders of the movement.

System log files are filled with logged events, status codes, and other messages. By analyzing the log files, the systems current state can be determined, and find out if something during its execution went wrong. Log file analysis has been studied for some time now, where recent studies have shown state-of-the-art performance using machine learning techniques. In this thesis, document classification solutions were tested on log files in order to classify regular system runs versus abnormal system runs. To solve this task, supervised and unsupervised learning methods were combined. Doc2Vec was used to extract document features, and Convolutional Neural Network (CNN) and Long Short-Term Memory (LSTM) based architectures on the classification task. With the use of the machine learning models and preprocessing techniques the tested models yielded an f1-score and accuracy above 95% when classifying log files.

As genetic research is increasingly applied to new areas of study, including in archaeological and heritage contexts, a range of questions arise concerning the social, ethical, legal, and political implications of ancient DNA. This fact sheet explains the nature and challenges of aDNA research, and why information from it is important and relevant to people today.

The history of California is in many ways a story about water, and the outsized effect that droughts, floods, and seasonal precipitation rates have had on the political and economic development of the state over the past 170 years. This thesis uses discourse analysis of historical and ongoing negotiations that have been presented in federal and state reports, narratives, case laws and legislation to explore how the discourse around water politics has been shaped in the state. From this, an antiessentialist environmental history develops around the relationship between overdrafted groundwater basins in the Central Valley and the agriculture industry located there. Finally, this thesis explores what the future of a waterscape built during the capitalization of modern society may look like as we move towards a new regime of nature.