doi: 10.1017/nps.2021.4
AbstractThousands of Roma were killed in Ukraine by the Nazis and auxiliary police on the spot. There are more than 50,000 Roma in today’s Ukraine, represented by second and third generation decendants of the genocide survivors. The discussion on Roma identity cannot be isolated from the memory of the genocide, which makes the struggle over the past a reflexive landmark that mobilizes the Roma movement. About twenty Roma genocide memorials have been erected in Ukraine during last decade, and in 2016 the national memorial of the Roma genocide was opened in Babi Yar. However, scholars do not have a clear picture of memory narratives and memory practices of the Roma genocide in Ukraine. A comprehensive analysis of the contemporary situation is not possible without an examination of the history and memory of the Roma genocide before 1991.
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Iron ore mining in the Norrbotten region of Sweden began in the early years of the twentieth century as a commercially uncertain and even dangerous proposition. But even before it began to generate profits, public debate began over the appropriate role of the state and of private capital (including foreign investors). This included whether iron ore should be exported for profit or retained for future processing in Sweden—even though the technology and infrastructure for such domestic industry did not exist. Tracing the evolution of this debate in the Swedish news media through to the First World War, this paper argues that the revenue generated by exports became more attractive than the promise of future domestic industry because that revenue could underwrite pressing political objectives. Although domestic iron ore processing remained linked to visions of future industrial prosperity, uncertain visions of future prosperity lost appeal as the capacity for export revenues to generate prosperity in the present became more potent.
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Syftet med denna text är att problematisera riksdagens roll i svensk politisk historia, ca 1600–1900, och dess bidrag till utvecklingen mot demokrati och allmän rösträtt. För det första stärkte riksdagsrepresentanterna monarkin på riksdagens bekostnad vid flera tillfällen och bytte långsiktigt institutionellt inflytande mot vinster i enskilda sakfrågor. Vid andra tillfällen var de märkbart passiva och oförmögna att förhindra monarkin. Riksdagen utgjorde en tveksam och svag bastion för folkrepresentation och man kan hävda att riksdagen mellan 1611 och 1809 hade en svag ställning gentemot kungen i 94 år, nästan hälften av perioden. Detta förändrades dock mellan 1809 och 1866, trots att det fanns flera likheter i det politiska ramverket, samt politiska förutsättningar för ytterligare ett skifte till en stark monarki och en svag eller upplöst riksdag. Ståndsriksdagens sista 50 år utgör således en nyckelperiod om vi vill förstå varför riksdagen slutligen intog en stark ställning i den svenska politiska kulturen. Denna fråga berör inte bara historiker, utan också människor som är intresserade av hur och varför representativa församlingar blir lika eller mer legitima än auktoritära alternativ. Eftersom vi lever i en period där demokratiska institutioner och värderingar ifrågasätts är det viktigt att förstå hur de kom att omfamnas i första hand.
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Contextual information is a crucial factor in interdisciplinary research on social networks. At the same time, missing linked data and missing methods for large-scale knowledge networks are a serious limitation. Only few researches have addressed the questions between data science, graph theory and social network analysis. This paper seeks to discuss how this gap can be closed. For this, we use an interdisciplinary approach trying to improve the interdisciplinary exchange and method exchange. We investigate how new methods from computer science, in particular knowledge graphs, can be used within the field of SNA. The contributions of this paper are (1) a knowledge graph model representation of a multi-layer social network, (2) the showcase of examples from different domains and (3) a perspective for more interdisciplinary discussion. We present an innovative solution to discuss coming challenges in SNA with methods from the digital humanities, in particular computer science.
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Recensioner av: Jes Wienberg, Heritopia: World Heritage and modernity. Lund 2021. 323 s. ISBN 978-91-984699-3-6. Axel Christophersen, Under Trondheim: Fortellingerfra bygrunnen. Trondheim 2020. 415 s. ISBN 9788283050875.
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The article explores the relationship between commercial capitalism and the first European women’s movement through the lens of Jewish business activity in the fashion-related industries of Wilhelmine Berlin. The analysis centers on Kaufhaus N. Israel, a department store and clothier. Between 1899 and 1914, the firm issued a series of prolifically illustrated albums, several featuring explicit ‘feminist’ elements. Through its elaborate publications, the author argues, the commercial company crafted its image as a cultural institution, relying on associations of the department store as a ‘women’s paradise,’ while venturing into political visions of egalitarianism and ethnic diversity in image and text.
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Waste management has been developing in response to needs. The need to get rid of unwanted materials has always been a motivation but using the resource value of waste has also been a driver from the stone age and forwards. In affluent times not so much. Sanitation became a motivation with the discovery of pathogenic microorganisms in the mid-19th century, and after World War 2 (WW2) a strong focus on environmental protection developed, and in recent times, the resource aspect has received an interest despite material affluence. Legislation has been one of the drivers for recent developments, in the case of Sweden, the environmental protection legislation came in the late 1960s, and a few years later, the municipalities got the exclusive right to collect and manage household waste. Many local and regional waste management companies were established, owned by the municipalities. These organizations became agents of development, due to the increased scope and capacity. Adding to the environmental protection agenda, a renewed interest in waste as a resource was initiated by the oil crises of the 1970s, resulting in new waste incineration plants, with energy recovery, connected to already existing district heating networks. Mistakes, failures and alarms in the 1970s and the 1980s resulted in treatment method improvements and the establishment of source separation as an integral part of waste management. The waste management community stands strong today and is taking a more proactive role than before, which includes a stronger focus on communication with other stakeholders.
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Kulturarv utgörs av olika kulturella uttryck och hur vi i dag uppfattar, tolkar och för det vidare i såväl materiell som immateriell form. Det förändras över tid och är dynamiskt. Därmed kan kulturarv inte sällan bli föremål för motsättningar och förhandlingar. De senaste årens avlägsnande av statyer som representerar den koloniala tiden i Storbritannien eller minnen av slaveriet i USA är exempel på hur omtolkningar av det förflutna kan leda till krav på aktiv handling. Konflikter kan också leda till att nya kulturarv skapas i form av minnesplatser, museer, ruiner av förstörda byggnader, ceremonier och så vidare. Detta temanummer av Laboratorium behandlar frågor om hur kulturarv omvärderas och behandlas till följd av olika slags konflikter eller förhandlingar som äger rum i ett samhälle.
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An understudied area with respect to research in women’s professional lives in Norway is how individual characteristics could influence occupational choices. This is also true for research on socially influenced occupational opportunities and opportunities for social advancement and degradation (i.e., social mobility). This article first discusses a methodology that allows for an analysis of women’s occupational opportunities and social mobility where social background is taken into consideration. The article then presents findings related to these areas for unmarried women between the ages of 15 and 30 living in the Norwegian town of Hamar in 1891 and 1910. A particular focus concerns the developmental trends between 1891 and 1910, which are situated with respect to the growth of the market economy as well as changes in women’s rights. Using the methodology, and despite the methodological challenges, the findings are clear: Women with different social backgrounds had different occupational opportunities. There was a great deal of social replication and some social degradation, but only limited social advancement, both in 1891 and 1910. Far from all women immediately benefited from the expansion of their rights within education and business. More women could avoid degradation by 1910, in large part because of the expansion of the clerical professions.
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doi: 10.1017/nps.2021.4
AbstractThousands of Roma were killed in Ukraine by the Nazis and auxiliary police on the spot. There are more than 50,000 Roma in today’s Ukraine, represented by second and third generation decendants of the genocide survivors. The discussion on Roma identity cannot be isolated from the memory of the genocide, which makes the struggle over the past a reflexive landmark that mobilizes the Roma movement. About twenty Roma genocide memorials have been erected in Ukraine during last decade, and in 2016 the national memorial of the Roma genocide was opened in Babi Yar. However, scholars do not have a clear picture of memory narratives and memory practices of the Roma genocide in Ukraine. A comprehensive analysis of the contemporary situation is not possible without an examination of the history and memory of the Roma genocide before 1991.
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Iron ore mining in the Norrbotten region of Sweden began in the early years of the twentieth century as a commercially uncertain and even dangerous proposition. But even before it began to generate profits, public debate began over the appropriate role of the state and of private capital (including foreign investors). This included whether iron ore should be exported for profit or retained for future processing in Sweden—even though the technology and infrastructure for such domestic industry did not exist. Tracing the evolution of this debate in the Swedish news media through to the First World War, this paper argues that the revenue generated by exports became more attractive than the promise of future domestic industry because that revenue could underwrite pressing political objectives. Although domestic iron ore processing remained linked to visions of future industrial prosperity, uncertain visions of future prosperity lost appeal as the capacity for export revenues to generate prosperity in the present became more potent.
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Syftet med denna text är att problematisera riksdagens roll i svensk politisk historia, ca 1600–1900, och dess bidrag till utvecklingen mot demokrati och allmän rösträtt. För det första stärkte riksdagsrepresentanterna monarkin på riksdagens bekostnad vid flera tillfällen och bytte långsiktigt institutionellt inflytande mot vinster i enskilda sakfrågor. Vid andra tillfällen var de märkbart passiva och oförmögna att förhindra monarkin. Riksdagen utgjorde en tveksam och svag bastion för folkrepresentation och man kan hävda att riksdagen mellan 1611 och 1809 hade en svag ställning gentemot kungen i 94 år, nästan hälften av perioden. Detta förändrades dock mellan 1809 och 1866, trots att det fanns flera likheter i det politiska ramverket, samt politiska förutsättningar för ytterligare ett skifte till en stark monarki och en svag eller upplöst riksdag. Ståndsriksdagens sista 50 år utgör således en nyckelperiod om vi vill förstå varför riksdagen slutligen intog en stark ställning i den svenska politiska kulturen. Denna fråga berör inte bara historiker, utan också människor som är intresserade av hur och varför representativa församlingar blir lika eller mer legitima än auktoritära alternativ. Eftersom vi lever i en period där demokratiska institutioner och värderingar ifrågasätts är det viktigt att förstå hur de kom att omfamnas i första hand.
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