Syftet med denna text är att problematisera riksdagens roll i svensk politisk historia, ca 1600–1900, och dess bidrag till utvecklingen mot demokrati och allmän rösträtt. För det första stärkte riksdagsrepresentanterna monarkin på riksdagens bekostnad vid flera tillfällen och bytte långsiktigt institutionellt inflytande mot vinster i enskilda sakfrågor. Vid andra tillfällen var de märkbart passiva och oförmögna att förhindra monarkin. Riksdagen utgjorde en tveksam och svag bastion för folkrepresentation och man kan hävda att riksdagen mellan 1611 och 1809 hade en svag ställning gentemot kungen i 94 år, nästan hälften av perioden. Detta förändrades dock mellan 1809 och 1866, trots att det fanns flera likheter i det politiska ramverket, samt politiska förutsättningar för ytterligare ett skifte till en stark monarki och en svag eller upplöst riksdag. Ståndsriksdagens sista 50 år utgör således en nyckelperiod om vi vill förstå varför riksdagen slutligen intog en stark ställning i den svenska politiska kulturen. Denna fråga berör inte bara historiker, utan också människor som är intresserade av hur och varför representativa församlingar blir lika eller mer legitima än auktoritära alternativ. Eftersom vi lever i en period där demokratiska institutioner och värderingar ifrågasätts är det viktigt att förstå hur de kom att omfamnas i första hand.
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This article explores the interconnections and relations of Nordic missionaries in early-twentieth-century China. Focusing on encounters in the Hunanese province capital of Changsha in and around the 1920s, it discusses ways in which Norwegian and Swedish missionary workers from four Christian associations made sense of their position as Nordic Lutherans within the international community in Changsha. Using both unpublished and published sources it explores the arrival of the Church of Sweden Mission to China in 1920 and plans to establish a Swedish Lutheran university in China. In conjunction it examines the Nordics as part of the international networks in the city, the evacuation of foreigners in 1927, and the ways in which they were affected by national and imperial ambitions and relations. The exploration of Nordic missionaries as ambivalent actors in a semi-imperial arena contributes to our understandings of the connections, co-operations and power dynamics of the transimperial world of the early twentieth century.
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doi: 10.1017/nps.2021.4
AbstractThousands of Roma were killed in Ukraine by the Nazis and auxiliary police on the spot. There are more than 50,000 Roma in today’s Ukraine, represented by second and third generation decendants of the genocide survivors. The discussion on Roma identity cannot be isolated from the memory of the genocide, which makes the struggle over the past a reflexive landmark that mobilizes the Roma movement. About twenty Roma genocide memorials have been erected in Ukraine during last decade, and in 2016 the national memorial of the Roma genocide was opened in Babi Yar. However, scholars do not have a clear picture of memory narratives and memory practices of the Roma genocide in Ukraine. A comprehensive analysis of the contemporary situation is not possible without an examination of the history and memory of the Roma genocide before 1991.
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An understudied area with respect to research in women’s professional lives in Norway is how individual characteristics could influence occupational choices. This is also true for research on socially influenced occupational opportunities and opportunities for social advancement and degradation (i.e., social mobility). This article first discusses a methodology that allows for an analysis of women’s occupational opportunities and social mobility where social background is taken into consideration. The article then presents findings related to these areas for unmarried women between the ages of 15 and 30 living in the Norwegian town of Hamar in 1891 and 1910. A particular focus concerns the developmental trends between 1891 and 1910, which are situated with respect to the growth of the market economy as well as changes in women’s rights. Using the methodology, and despite the methodological challenges, the findings are clear: Women with different social backgrounds had different occupational opportunities. There was a great deal of social replication and some social degradation, but only limited social advancement, both in 1891 and 1910. Far from all women immediately benefited from the expansion of their rights within education and business. More women could avoid degradation by 1910, in large part because of the expansion of the clerical professions.
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Iron ore mining in the Norrbotten region of Sweden began in the early years of the twentieth century as a commercially uncertain and even dangerous proposition. But even before it began to generate profits, public debate began over the appropriate role of the state and of private capital (including foreign investors). This included whether iron ore should be exported for profit or retained for future processing in Sweden—even though the technology and infrastructure for such domestic industry did not exist. Tracing the evolution of this debate in the Swedish news media through to the First World War, this paper argues that the revenue generated by exports became more attractive than the promise of future domestic industry because that revenue could underwrite pressing political objectives. Although domestic iron ore processing remained linked to visions of future industrial prosperity, uncertain visions of future prosperity lost appeal as the capacity for export revenues to generate prosperity in the present became more potent.
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handle: 11250/3111741
This article deals with the recent developments of labour history in and about the Nordic countries. We identify patterns, problems and possibilities in these recent developments in the field – roughly within the last two decades. Our main source of analysis is the research presented and exchanged in the Nordic labour history journals, the Nordic Labour History Network, the labour history associations, the archives and libraries. We relate current trends to developments in European and Global labour history. We claim that the revival and expansion of Nordic labour history must also be understood through its exchange with labour history outside the Nordic sphere and with other disciplines and research fields. The expansion of the field occurred through increased attention and sensitivity to the specificities of various forms of labour, the lived lives of those who work, the places in which work takes place, the various ways in which workers form collective practices and structures, and how they understand themselves in relation to as well as within and outside the parties and institutions that organise and claim to represent workers and labour interests.
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popularity | Top 10% | |
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Recensioner av: Jes Wienberg, Heritopia: World Heritage and modernity. Lund 2021. 323 s. ISBN 978-91-984699-3-6. Axel Christophersen, Under Trondheim: Fortellingerfra bygrunnen. Trondheim 2020. 415 s. ISBN 9788283050875.
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Contextual information is a crucial factor in interdisciplinary research on social networks. At the same time, missing linked data and missing methods for large-scale knowledge networks are a serious limitation. Only few researches have addressed the questions between data science, graph theory and social network analysis. This paper seeks to discuss how this gap can be closed. For this, we use an interdisciplinary approach trying to improve the interdisciplinary exchange and method exchange. We investigate how new methods from computer science, in particular knowledge graphs, can be used within the field of SNA. The contributions of this paper are (1) a knowledge graph model representation of a multi-layer social network, (2) the showcase of examples from different domains and (3) a perspective for more interdisciplinary discussion. We present an innovative solution to discuss coming challenges in SNA with methods from the digital humanities, in particular computer science.
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popularity | Top 10% | |
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The article explores the relationship between commercial capitalism and the first European women’s movement through the lens of Jewish business activity in the fashion-related industries of Wilhelmine Berlin. The analysis centers on Kaufhaus N. Israel, a department store and clothier. Between 1899 and 1914, the firm issued a series of prolifically illustrated albums, several featuring explicit ‘feminist’ elements. Through its elaborate publications, the author argues, the commercial company crafted its image as a cultural institution, relying on associations of the department store as a ‘women’s paradise,’ while venturing into political visions of egalitarianism and ethnic diversity in image and text.
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Syftet med denna text är att problematisera riksdagens roll i svensk politisk historia, ca 1600–1900, och dess bidrag till utvecklingen mot demokrati och allmän rösträtt. För det första stärkte riksdagsrepresentanterna monarkin på riksdagens bekostnad vid flera tillfällen och bytte långsiktigt institutionellt inflytande mot vinster i enskilda sakfrågor. Vid andra tillfällen var de märkbart passiva och oförmögna att förhindra monarkin. Riksdagen utgjorde en tveksam och svag bastion för folkrepresentation och man kan hävda att riksdagen mellan 1611 och 1809 hade en svag ställning gentemot kungen i 94 år, nästan hälften av perioden. Detta förändrades dock mellan 1809 och 1866, trots att det fanns flera likheter i det politiska ramverket, samt politiska förutsättningar för ytterligare ett skifte till en stark monarki och en svag eller upplöst riksdag. Ståndsriksdagens sista 50 år utgör således en nyckelperiod om vi vill förstå varför riksdagen slutligen intog en stark ställning i den svenska politiska kulturen. Denna fråga berör inte bara historiker, utan också människor som är intresserade av hur och varför representativa församlingar blir lika eller mer legitima än auktoritära alternativ. Eftersom vi lever i en period där demokratiska institutioner och värderingar ifrågasätts är det viktigt att förstå hur de kom att omfamnas i första hand.
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This article explores the interconnections and relations of Nordic missionaries in early-twentieth-century China. Focusing on encounters in the Hunanese province capital of Changsha in and around the 1920s, it discusses ways in which Norwegian and Swedish missionary workers from four Christian associations made sense of their position as Nordic Lutherans within the international community in Changsha. Using both unpublished and published sources it explores the arrival of the Church of Sweden Mission to China in 1920 and plans to establish a Swedish Lutheran university in China. In conjunction it examines the Nordics as part of the international networks in the city, the evacuation of foreigners in 1927, and the ways in which they were affected by national and imperial ambitions and relations. The exploration of Nordic missionaries as ambivalent actors in a semi-imperial arena contributes to our understandings of the connections, co-operations and power dynamics of the transimperial world of the early twentieth century.
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doi: 10.1017/nps.2021.4
AbstractThousands of Roma were killed in Ukraine by the Nazis and auxiliary police on the spot. There are more than 50,000 Roma in today’s Ukraine, represented by second and third generation decendants of the genocide survivors. The discussion on Roma identity cannot be isolated from the memory of the genocide, which makes the struggle over the past a reflexive landmark that mobilizes the Roma movement. About twenty Roma genocide memorials have been erected in Ukraine during last decade, and in 2016 the national memorial of the Roma genocide was opened in Babi Yar. However, scholars do not have a clear picture of memory narratives and memory practices of the Roma genocide in Ukraine. A comprehensive analysis of the contemporary situation is not possible without an examination of the history and memory of the Roma genocide before 1991.
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influence | Average | |
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