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  • image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
    Authors: Higginbottom, Gail; Vuelta-Santín, Rubén;

    [EN] Speaker: Gail Higginbottom (The Australian National University). There are hundreds of free-standing stone monuments in western Scotland and no-one really understands how they were used or why they were built. My project uncovers something about the interactions between the builders and their monuments by investigating the reasons behind the locational choices for the monuments. This talk will explain some of the background, methods and outcomes of the evidence-based, interdisciplinary investigations done in Scotland and show how all the monuments together form an expression of communal belief systems across geographical areas & explain something of what these systems might be. The immediacy and striking nature of the land and sky–scapes, helps point to the possible essential nature of both the individual’s experience and the community’s understanding of their world in Scotland. I shall then suggest how these approaches, combined with others so far missing from the Scottish project, would assist in the research of megalithic monuments of Galacia. In particular, how creating a comparative project, might enable us to assess whether or not understandings and values associated with the creation of megalithic monuments were shared between previous and current cultures in different regions across Europe. [ES] Ponente: Gail Higginbottom (The Australian National University). Hay cientos de monumentos de piedra aislados en Escocia occidental y nadie realmente entiende cómo fueron usados o por qué fueron construidos. En esta charla se explican algunos de los antecedentes, métodos y resultados de las investigaciones realizados en Escocia y se muestra cómo todos los monumentos juntos forman una expresión de creencias comunes a través de áreas geográficas y se explica lo que podrían ser estos sistemas. La inmediatez y la impresionante naturaleza de la tierra y el cielo ayudan a indicar la posible naturaleza esencial tanto de la experiencia del individuo como de la comprensión de la comunidad en Escocia. Se sugiere cómo estos enfoques, junto con otros que hasta ahora faltan en el proyecto escocés, ayudarían en la investigación de monumentos megalíticos de Galicia. En particular, se plantea cómo se podría crear un proyecto comparativo que permitiría evaluar si los conceptos y valores asociados con la creación de monumentos megalíticos fueron compartidos entre las culturas anteriores y actuales en las distintas regiones en toda Europa. No

    image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/ Recolector de Cienci...arrow_drop_down
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    Authors: Terbish, Baasanjav;

    Sanj talks about the history of the Torghuts in Kalmykia. According to him, there are several versions of the etymology of the ethnonym Torghut. In the view of the French scholar Paul Pelliot, it derives from the Turkic verb ‘tur’ (to stand) + the plural suffix. The Secret History of Mongols writes that in the beginning turgak kishg, who were Chingis Khan’s bodyguards during the day, consisted of 80 men. After 1206, their number grew to ten thousand. The bodyguards were divided into three groups, including turgak (day guards), keptyul (night guards) and khorchin (bowmen). Apart from providing personal security to the Khan, these guards also served as policemen. In other words, the ethnonym Torghut derives from the word turgak. The contemporary Torghut, however, are not the same as the historical Torghuts. The Torghuts joined the Oirats, which was a feeble union of tribes, in the 14-15th centuries. When the Mongol Empire was split into five khanates, the Oirats were part of a force that opposed Kublai Khan. Following the collapse of the Yuan Dynasty (founded by Kublai), a civil war broke out among the Mongols. Although, according to the established convention it was only the direct descendants of Chingis Khan who had the right to the throne, the Oirat lords started to challenge the status quo. In the 15-16th centuries in their struggle with the Eastern Mongols, the Oirat union suffered defeat after defeat, which prompted their leaders to call a meeting (chulgan) in order to strengthen the union. Despite internal struggles, the union had a centripetal tendency under the leadership of the lords from the Tsoros clan. Nevertheless, several tribes, or clans, left the union and moved westwards. According to Soviet sources, the first among the Oirats to arrive in the Volga region was the Torghut lord Kho-Urlyuk of the Keryad clan. Recent studies, however, dispute this view and show instead that it was the Khoshud lords who first came to this region. The Derbet lord Dalai Taishi was the next to arrive in the Volga. Various Oirat groups thus settled in the territory of today’s Astrakhan, near the Volga, displacing the indigenous Nogais whom the Russians used as a buffer force against foreign tribes. So, when the Derbets drew the Nogais out of their land, the Russians were not in a position to defend their vassals. The third wave of Oirat arrival took place when the Torghuts headed by Kho-Urlyuk’s older son, Luuzang, came to the Volga. Once settled, Luuzang carried out a policy to attract into his dominion various Turkic tribes, including the Tatars, Nogais and Tomuts. According to Nikita Bichurin, the Tomuts were a mix of Tatars and Bashkirs who had a religion that was also a mix of various religions, including shamanism, Buddhism and Islam. During the Oirat/Kalmyk settlement, half of the Tomuts dissolved among the Oirats, while the other half left for Crimea, becoming the Crimean Tatars. Sanj Khoyt says he wrote an article about hybridization, or ethnic mixing in Kalmykia. According to his research, the Kalmyks mixed with many ethnic groups, including Russians, Kazakhs, and peoples from the Caucasus. Hybridization took place among all social strata, including the aristocracy and ordinary people alike. Ordos (China) is the motherland of the Torghuts. According to available genetic and ethnographic data, they were most likely Eastern Mongols. After joining the Oirat union, the Torghuts, who consisted of Mongol and Turkic tribes, were headed by the Keryad clan. The Torghuts reached the Volga region through Central Asia while incorporating on their way various clans and tribes. Hence their colorful composition. The Torghuts differ from the Derbets both in terms of their dialect and customs. In the Volga region all these groups – the Torghuts, Khoshuds, Zyungar, Khoit, etc. – came to be known under the umbrella term of Kalmyk. Owing to widespread Russification, today the difference among various Kalmyk groups is negligible. With the passage of time, some Kalmyks, especially impoverished individuals, engaged in fishing. Those Kalmyks who lived close to the Volga and the Caspian Sea became good fishermen. Historically, the majority of Kalmyks were Torghuts, which means that the Kalmyk Khanate was in fact a Torghut Khanate. Hence, the Kalmyk Khan Ayuka described himself in his letters as a Torghut Khan. When in 1771 the majority of the Kalmyks, or Torghuts, set out on a return journey to Dzungaria, the number of the Torghuts that remained in Kalmykia diminished accordingly. When the Khanate was abolished by the Russian government as a consequence of this exodus, the Tundutov family of the Choros clan of the Derbet were appointed as representatives of the Russian administration among the Kalmyks. Historically, the Torghuts participated in religious wars. When Kagyu and Gelug schools of Buddhism fought with each other in Tibet, the Oirats supported Gelug, while the Khalkhas, or Mongols, supported Kagyu. It is known that a contingent of Torghut soldiers from the Volga reached Zungaria and Tibet. After their military campaign, they returned home. Sponsored by Arcadia Fund, a charitable fund of Lisbet Rausing and Peter Baldwin.

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    Apollo
    Film . 2018
    License: CC BY NC ND
    Data sources: Apollo
    Apollo
    Film . 2018
    License: CC BY NC ND
    Data sources: Datacite
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      Apollo
      Film . 2018
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      Film . 2018
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    Authors: Terbish, Baasanjav;

    Bembya says that some temples in Kalmykia had Tibetan architectural influence. In Kalmykia, in one of the villages there stood a temple that resembled the mandala of Vajrabhairava. Many Kalmyk temples had symmetrical walls which is also known among other Mongolian groups. Kalmyks also had temples that had Russian influence. An example is the Khosheutovsky Temple, built in the likeness of the Kazan Cathedral in St. Petersburg. There were also temples that had mixed architecture, i.e. Tibetan-Mongolian or Tibetan-Oirat, although Kalmyks did not have temples with Chinese architectural influence. Sponsored by Arcadia Fund, a charitable fund of Lisbet Rausing and Peter Baldwin

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    Apollo
    Film . 2019
    License: CC BY NC ND
    Data sources: Apollo
    Apollo
    Film . 2019
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      Apollo
      Film . 2019
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      Film . 2019
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    Authors: Joanne Begiato; Lily Ford; Katie Barclay;

    The beautiful focus of this film is a quilt made in c.1890 in Swaledale and its journey through the generations of a family and on to the Quilters’ Guild collection in the early twenty-first century. It conveys how textiles hold powerful emotions for their makers and the relatives who have inherited them, and communicates the pleasures of hand quilting in the past and today. It also shows how inherited objects offer insights into our history, reflecting on the way inherited quilts provide insights into changing regional patterns of women’s work and lives. With Deborah McGuire and Joanne Begiato.

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    Authors: Terbish, Baasanjav;

    Mergen says that of all schools of Buddhism, Gelug was the most open to the masses. Whilst other schools, which were more closed, did not send out missionaries, Gelug pursued this line of activity. Despite being like this, Gelug also comprises of esotericism and secret tantric practices. The Oirats played an important role in the establishment of the Gelug tradition. Gushi Khan’s campaign, the creation of the Kokonor Khanate and the creation of a theocratic state in Tibet itself – these are all the contribution of the Oirats. The Oirats were also first among the Mongolian peoples to adopt Buddhism. In addition, the Kalmyks were instrumental in spreading Buddhism in modern Europe and the United States. There are many hypotheses about when Buddhism spread among the Oirats. Some scholars say that it was during Chingis Khan, others take it further back to the pre-Chingis period, and yet there are scholars who contend that Buddhism began to spread in the 17th century. At present, there are no historical sources to verify any of these theories. Before adopting Gelug, various Mongolian tribes practiced other Buddhist traditions. The question of why Mongolian tribes chose Gelug can be explained partly by the fact that Altan Khan of Mongolia had personal contact with the Dalai Lama III, head of the Gelug school. Born in the 15th century, Gelug spread among the Mongols in the 16th century. Why was Gelug so popular among the Oirats? In Mergen’s view, this school’s lavish ceremonies involving large numbers of monks might have attracted the Oirats. To this should be added Buddha’s prediction that his religion would spread to the north. There could be geographical factors as well added to this explanation. Sponsored by Arcadia Fund, a charitable fund of Lisbet Rausing and Peter Baldwin

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    Apollo
    Film . 2018
    License: CC BY NC ND
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    Apollo
    Film . 2019
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      Film . 2018
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      Film . 2019
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    Authors: Vuelta-Santín, Rubén; Criado-Boado, Felipe; Armada, Xosé-Lois; Ferro Vázquez, María Cruz;

    Vídeo del Laboratorio de Arqueometría del Patrimonio (LAPa) del INCIPIT-CSIC. Plataforma científico-técnica para Paleoambiente, Arqueometría y Conservación del Patrimonio Cultural. La construcción del LAPa del INCIPIT-CSIC se realizó entre 2021 y 2023. Los agentes implicados en su proyecto de diseño y construcción fueron: Financiación: SGAOI (Secretaría General Adjunta de Obras e Infraestructuras del CSIC); Dirección facultativa: OTO (Oficina Técnica de Obras) de la SGAOI; Plan funcional y coordinación: Felipe Criado-Boado, Anxo Rodríguez-Paz, Lois Armada, Cruz Ferro, Joeri Kaal; Diseño general y mobiliario: ILD (Integrated Lab Design); Diseño instalaciones: MARAGAL Ingeniería S.L.; Mobiliario: ROMERO Muebles de Laboratorio; Extracción y Clima: GARABAL Instalaciones; Electricidad y electrónica: MAREI S.L.; Suministros electrónicos: ASIMOV; Iluminación: INSATEL; Obra civil: POLI COUSELO Construcción y Reforma; Vitrinas de gases y usos generales: WALDNER; Equipo de purificación de agua: METROHM; Agradecimiento personal a: Mari Carmen González Peñalver, Javier Arguedas, Manuel García, Juan Luis Castro, Carlin de Marei, Hipólito Couselo, Ricardo Herreruela, Cristina García Diego, Alberto Álvarez. Imagen y edición de vídeo: Rubén Vuelta-Santín; Revisión de textos: Felipe Criado-Boado, Xosé-Lois Armada, María Cruz Ferro Vázquez; Música: Icelandic Arpeggios - DivKid (YouTube Audio Library). Peer reviewed

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    Authors: Vuelta-Santín, Rubén;

    [ES] Vídeo de 3:58 minutos que muestra cómo fue el rodaje del documental del programa de TVE “La aventura del saber” sobre el islote Guidoiro Areoso (Illa de Arousa, Pontevedra) junto con rótulos con información del islote, de sus yacimientos arqueológicos y de la erosión que están sufriendo debido a los cambios medioambientales y la presión antrópica. En el documental participan: Elías López-Romero, Arqueólogo, Incipit, CSIC / Universidad de Durham; Patricia Mañana-Borrazás, Arqueóloga; Ramón Blanco Chao, Geomorfólogo, Universidade de Santiago de Compostela; Jose Manuel Rey García, Director Parque Arqueolóxico da Arte Rupestre de Campo Lameiro, Dirección Xeral do Patrimonio Cultural, Xunta de Galicia; Xosé Ignacio Vilaseco Vázquez, Arqueólogo, Dirección Xeral do Patrimonio Cultural, Xunta de Galicia. [EN] 3:58 minutes video showing how it was the filming of the documentary of the TVE program "La aventura del saber" about the islet Guidoiro Areoso (Arousa Island, Pontevedra) together with information of the islet, its archaeological sites and the erosion that are suffering due to the environmental changes and the antrophic pressure. In the documentary involved: Elías López-Romero, Archaeologist, Incipit, CSIC / Durham University; Patricia Mañana-Borrazás, Archaeologist; Ramón Blanco Chao, Geomorphologist, Santiago de Compostela University; Jose Manuel Rey García, Director of the Rock Art Archaeological Park (Campo Lameiro, Pontevedra), General Directorate of Cultural Heritage, Xunta de Galicia; Xosé Ignacio Vilaseco Vázquez, Archaeologist, General Directorate of Cultural Heritage, Xunta de Galicia. Referencias: López-Romero, Elías; Mañana-Borrazás, Patricia; Blanco Chao, Ramón; Rey García, José Manuel; Vilaseco Vázquez, X. Ignacio. No

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    Authors: Terbish, Baasanjav; Churyumova, Elvira;

    Svetlana talks about her father, the famous Kalmyk artist Garya Rokchinskiy. In 1939 my father participated in a contest of Pushkin’s drawings which he won. The prize was a bicycle, which was so rare at that time that all the boys in the vicinity ran after him. This was also a time when Kalmyk autonomy was established, which was to be followed by exile and post-exile periods. After exile, when Kalmyk ASSR was restored, my father returned to Kalmykia. By 1961 my father was a member of the Union of Artists of the USSR, had done a solo exhibition in Alma-Ata and participated in exhibitions in Moscow. By that time he was already well known in Kazakhstan where he had graduated from an art school with honors. Because of his status as an exiled person, he was denied a diploma with distinction. During the war many art institutes in Moscow and St. Petersburg were relocated along with teaching staff to other parts of the USSR, including Kazakhstan. Many of my father’s professors, who were from Moscow and St Petersburg, acknowledged his talent. In Kazakhstan my father honed his skills. There he went on trips to the mountains. There he found his style, which is close to impressionism, with his extraordinary color vision and the ability to convey colors in strokes. When he said that he wanted to return to Kalmykia, in Kazakhstan they did not want to let him go. My father had a wish to see Kalmykia restored. There were many problems then as there are today with the Kalmyk language, which is the consequence of exile. In Kalmykia they had a task to create fine arts, and my father became the founder of modern Kalmyk art. He has a painting titled ‘Mother – my native land’, which he dedicated to his grandmother who lived 95 years and accepted Buddhist vows (she did not eat meat, didn’t lie, prayed). He did not invent anything, but depicted his grandmother as she was. In the painting she is an elderly Kalmyk woman with an uncovered head, walking, dressed in a Kalmyk dress, holds a rosary in her right hand. She emanates strength, will, but at the same time, femininity and signs of a hard life. She survived war and exile. There is also a lot of sunlight in the picture and a sense of harmony between a human being and nature. She represents an archaic vertical of the world tree. The axis of the world is found in this image. There are no representations of suffering in the picture, but simply an elderly Kalmyk woman walking through her native land. We see a figurative embodiment of one’s homeland in this painting. As an artist my father took a lot of inspiration from life. He even had his own vocabulary. One winter was exceptionally cold and as a result many animals died. He said: ‘Such a cold and frost, and the lambs are crying.’ He had a childlike worldview, he saw everything in his own way. My father lived in his own world, in which he felt, created and left his paintings. All of his paintings are devoted to his native land. Driven by his wish to find his identity, he always turned to Dzungaria topic. Before his departure, he used to say, ‘What will become of us?’ I was young then and did not understand what he was talking about, but now I have realized that he was talking about us, the Kalmyks. My father had a desire to restore what had been lost. He knew all Kalmyk traditions well, spoke the Kalmyk language, danced and sang. Once he brought from Ulan-Bator a tape recording of a contest of singers and storytellers of Altai who performed the praise to the Altai Mountain. When he listened to that recording of throat singing, he cried, he felt the power of the ancestral land and our tradition. In his painting of Zaya Pandita one can see the fate of the Kalmyks, a unique people, who had their own script, language, art, dances, costumes. For my father Zaya Pandita represented all these. There is Zaya Pandita’s image, cast in silver in Ulan Bator. My father came up with that image in which he combined two periods of our history - Oirat and Kalmyk. Another painting of my father depicts Eelyan Ovla, a Jangar singer. This picture was an event, according to Soviet art critics. In a state of inspiration and singing, Eelyan Ovla is depicted in the background of the country of Bumba. My father worked on this image for 10 years. The works of Rokchinskiy show his path from realism to abstractionism. There is also a lotus series, which is the result of his trip to the Astrakhan conservation area. By means of the lotus flower the artist engages in thinking about life itself. In the painting, in the foreground there is a white lotus, at the bottom is a lotus bud which is starting to unfold, in the background - a lotus box with seeds. This reflects the philosophy of Buddhism, including the beginning of life, flowering time and departure. Sponsored by Arcadia Fund, a charitable fund of Lisbet Rausing and Peter Baldwin

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    Apollo
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    License: CC BY NC ND
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    Apollo
    Film . 2019
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      Apollo
      Film . 2018
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      Film . 2019
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    Authors: Kovaeva, Bair; Churyumov, Anton;

    According to a legend about Chimid Baatr, he saved Russian prisoners from Nekrasov’s Cossacks who were intending to sell them as slaves in Crimea. After rescuing the Russians, Chimid Baatr headed with them to the nearest Russian garrison. When their pursuers - Nekrasov’s Cossacks and the Crimean Tatars - came close, Chimid Baatr ordered that those of his warriors who were over 45 stayed with him to fight the pursuers and those who were younger escorted the rescued Russians. Chimid Baatr was 80 himself. When the enemy approached, Chimid Baatr and his warriors fought them to the death. As Chimid Baatr was considered to be the personal enemy of the Ottoman sultan, the Cossacks chopped off his head and sent it to the sultan. It is believed that the head, wrapped in golden foil, is kept today at the Istanbul Museum. In Kalmyk folklore Mazn Baatr is portrayed as an invincible warrior. There are many legends about him. According to one, during the Russo-Ottoman war in 1677-1681 Mazn Baatr was sent by the Kalmyk Ayuka Khan to help the Russian troops near Chigirin. He singlehandedly fought with the entire Ottoman army. After being chopped into small pieces by his enemies, he resurrects at night and the next morning attacks the confused Turks who flee in panic. Mitr Noyon was also a historical figure who fought with the Kazakhs, the Crimean Tatars and others in North Caucasus. In legends he is portrayed as a defender of the poor. According to one legend, once he was caught by the Russians and put in prison inside the Astrakhan Kremlin. Before his execution he was asked what his last wish was. Mitr Noyon replied, ‘I want to ride my horse for the last time’. Inside the Kremlin walls he began riding his horse in circles, and each time when he made a circle he increased his speed. Then suddenly he whipped his horse and jumped over the wall. When it jumped, the horse snagged a protrusion on top of the wall which fell off. It is believed that Mitr Noyon will return when the Kalmyks fall upon hard times. In North Caucasus many places have Kalmyk names. For example, the town of Essentuki derives from the Kalmyk word yisn tug meaning ‘nine flags’. According to one legend, the spot where the town stays today, was a place for the Kalmyk troops to gather for a military campaign against the Turks and the Crimean and Kuban Tatars. Since there were nine regiments that each had its own flag, the place was called ‘Nine Flags’. In Chechnya, for example, there are places with Kalmyk names, including Elista Yurt and Kalmyk Kala. The latter was a castle where Kalmyk troops stayed. There are many legends about the Kalmyk involvement in the Napoleonic War. Towards the end of the war a coalition of Russian, Prussian and Austrians troops surrounded Paris. The Prussians and Austrians wanted to storm the city, while the Russian tsar Alexander insisted that the capital of France should be taken without a fight in a peaceful manner. The Russian envoy, Miloradovich, made an offer to the mayor of Paris that the city surrendered. In reply the mayor cited an order from Napoleon that the city should never surrender to the enemies. Miloradovich expressed his pity and asked whether the mayor had heard anything about the Kalmyks. The mayor said that he had heard of the Kalmyks as being barbarians and cannibals. The Russian continued, ‘The tsar Alexander decided to send these barbarians to storm Paris tomorrow in order to save the lives of Russian soldiers. There are 100,000 of these barbarians with us. According to their custom, they will plunder your city for three days. There is no other way, and we have decided that their custom be honored. Can you imagine what awaits your city and all the Parisians?’ The mayor took a pair of binoculars and saw to his horror a horde of Kalmyk warriors waving curved sables, riding on horses and camels. The mayor opened the gates of the city in an hour, asking the Russians to keep the Kalmyks away from the city. The Kalmyks nonetheless entered Paris first. To the great astonishment of the Parisians, the Kalmyks turned out to be the opposite of what they had expected – these Asian warriors spoke French, greeted the locals respectfully and made complements to the women. Sponsored by Arcadia Fund, a charitable fund of Lisbet Rausing and Peter Baldwin.

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    Apollo
    Film . 2016
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    Film . 2018
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    Authors: Vuelta-Santín, Rubén; Incio del Río, Cristina; González Álvarez, David;

    Un grupo de investigadoras del INCIPIT-CSIC inició en agosto de 2023, en el municipio de Forcarei en Pontevedra, una segunda campaña arqueológica en la aldea perdida de Silvaescura, situada en los lindes entre el monte de Soutelo y el de Trasdomonte. Los trabajos de campo se desarrollaron con la arqueóloga e investigadora Cristina Incio del Río, del Instituto de Ciencias del Patrimonio (Incipit-CSIC), como directora de intervención. Las labores previstas incluyeron trabajos de fotointerpretación, vuelo con dron, prospección intensiva, prospección geofísica y sondeos valorativos manuales. El equipo científico inició un primer proyecto en la aldea de Silvaescura en agosto del 2022. La intervención llevada a cabo mostró el potencial arqueológico de esta aldea abandonada. Se realizaron excavaciones en los restos de dos edificaciones en las que se encontraron testimonios de la vida cotidiana de las familias campesinas que habitaron la aldea, fragmentos cerámicos de diferentes recipientes y vajilla, tejas, pesas de techo de colmo y fragmentos de potes metálicos de tres pies. Todo esto apunta a que se trata de antiguas viviendas ocupadas entre los siglos XVII o XIX, posible período de vida de la propia aldea. La nueva campaña tiene como objetivo determinar la extensión de la aldea y definir las viviendas que la compondrían. Para ello se utilizarán métodos no invasivos, como el uso de un gradiómetro en el entorno de las estructuras conocidas. Este aparato permite detectar muros enterrados donde luego se realizarán excavaciones arqueológicas. Todo ello permitirá saber más sobre la evolución, proceso constructivo y ocupación tanto de las viviendas conocidas hasta el momento como de otras que compondrían en su día la aldea de Silvaescura. La intervención está enmarcada en un programa de actuaciones más amplio centrado en el conocimiento sobre el poblamiento en la zona rural gallega en época moderna y contemporánea. Uno de los principales ejes de la investigación es el análisis del abandono y desaparición de estos pequeños núcleos de población, aldeas de las que solo se mantienen pequeños indicios y una memoria remota. Equipo científico: Directora de la intervención: Cristina-Incio-del-Río; Equipo arqueológico: Álvaro Falquina-Aparicio, Álvaro Moreno-Jiménez, Ángela Orosa-Queijo, David González-Álvarez, Fátima Rodríguez-Porto, Rafael Millán-Pascual, Rodrigo González-Camino, Vega Arribas-Greciano; Realización y edición de vídeo: Rubén Vuelta-Santín; Colabora: Concello de Forcarei; Música: Highway One - Steve Adams (YouTube Audio Library). Peer reviewed

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  • image/svg+xml art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos Open Access logo, converted into svg, designed by PLoS. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Open_Access_logo_PLoS_white.svg art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina, Beao, JakobVoss, and AnonMoos http://www.plos.org/
    Authors: Higginbottom, Gail; Vuelta-Santín, Rubén;

    [EN] Speaker: Gail Higginbottom (The Australian National University). There are hundreds of free-standing stone monuments in western Scotland and no-one really understands how they were used or why they were built. My project uncovers something about the interactions between the builders and their monuments by investigating the reasons behind the locational choices for the monuments. This talk will explain some of the background, methods and outcomes of the evidence-based, interdisciplinary investigations done in Scotland and show how all the monuments together form an expression of communal belief systems across geographical areas & explain something of what these systems might be. The immediacy and striking nature of the land and sky–scapes, helps point to the possible essential nature of both the individual’s experience and the community’s understanding of their world in Scotland. I shall then suggest how these approaches, combined with others so far missing from the Scottish project, would assist in the research of megalithic monuments of Galacia. In particular, how creating a comparative project, might enable us to assess whether or not understandings and values associated with the creation of megalithic monuments were shared between previous and current cultures in different regions across Europe. [ES] Ponente: Gail Higginbottom (The Australian National University). Hay cientos de monumentos de piedra aislados en Escocia occidental y nadie realmente entiende cómo fueron usados o por qué fueron construidos. En esta charla se explican algunos de los antecedentes, métodos y resultados de las investigaciones realizados en Escocia y se muestra cómo todos los monumentos juntos forman una expresión de creencias comunes a través de áreas geográficas y se explica lo que podrían ser estos sistemas. La inmediatez y la impresionante naturaleza de la tierra y el cielo ayudan a indicar la posible naturaleza esencial tanto de la experiencia del individuo como de la comprensión de la comunidad en Escocia. Se sugiere cómo estos enfoques, junto con otros que hasta ahora faltan en el proyecto escocés, ayudarían en la investigación de monumentos megalíticos de Galicia. En particular, se plantea cómo se podría crear un proyecto comparativo que permitiría evaluar si los conceptos y valores asociados con la creación de monumentos megalíticos fueron compartidos entre las culturas anteriores y actuales en las distintas regiones en toda Europa. No

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    Authors: Terbish, Baasanjav;

    Sanj talks about the history of the Torghuts in Kalmykia. According to him, there are several versions of the etymology of the ethnonym Torghut. In the view of the French scholar Paul Pelliot, it derives from the Turkic verb ‘tur’ (to stand) + the plural suffix. The Secret History of Mongols writes that in the beginning turgak kishg, who were Chingis Khan’s bodyguards during the day, consisted of 80 men. After 1206, their number grew to ten thousand. The bodyguards were divided into three groups, including turgak (day guards), keptyul (night guards) and khorchin (bowmen). Apart from providing personal security to the Khan, these guards also served as policemen. In other words, the ethnonym Torghut derives from the word turgak. The contemporary Torghut, however, are not the same as the historical Torghuts. The Torghuts joined the Oirats, which was a feeble union of tribes, in the 14-15th centuries. When the Mongol Empire was split into five khanates, the Oirats were part of a force that opposed Kublai Khan. Following the collapse of the Yuan Dynasty (founded by Kublai), a civil war broke out among the Mongols. Although, according to the established convention it was only the direct descendants of Chingis Khan who had the right to the throne, the Oirat lords started to challenge the status quo. In the 15-16th centuries in their struggle with the Eastern Mongols, the Oirat union suffered defeat after defeat, which prompted their leaders to call a meeting (chulgan) in order to strengthen the union. Despite internal struggles, the union had a centripetal tendency under the leadership of the lords from the Tsoros clan. Nevertheless, several tribes, or clans, left the union and moved westwards. According to Soviet sources, the first among the Oirats to arrive in the Volga region was the Torghut lord Kho-Urlyuk of the Keryad clan. Recent studies, however, dispute this view and show instead that it was the Khoshud lords who first came to this region. The Derbet lord Dalai Taishi was the next to arrive in the Volga. Various Oirat groups thus settled in the territory of today’s Astrakhan, near the Volga, displacing the indigenous Nogais whom the Russians used as a buffer force against foreign tribes. So, when the Derbets drew the Nogais out of their land, the Russians were not in a position to defend their vassals. The third wave of Oirat arrival took place when the Torghuts headed by Kho-Urlyuk’s older son, Luuzang, came to the Volga. Once settled, Luuzang carried out a policy to attract into his dominion various Turkic tribes, including the Tatars, Nogais and Tomuts. According to Nikita Bichurin, the Tomuts were a mix of Tatars and Bashkirs who had a religion that was also a mix of various religions, including shamanism, Buddhism and Islam. During the Oirat/Kalmyk settlement, half of the Tomuts dissolved among the Oirats, while the other half left for Crimea, becoming the Crimean Tatars. Sanj Khoyt says he wrote an article about hybridization, or ethnic mixing in Kalmykia. According to his research, the Kalmyks mixed with many ethnic groups, including Russians, Kazakhs, and peoples from the Caucasus. Hybridization took place among all social strata, including the aristocracy and ordinary people alike. Ordos (China) is the motherland of the Torghuts. According to available genetic and ethnographic data, they were most likely Eastern Mongols. After joining the Oirat union, the Torghuts, who consisted of Mongol and Turkic tribes, were headed by the Keryad clan. The Torghuts reached the Volga region through Central Asia while incorporating on their way various clans and tribes. Hence their colorful composition. The Torghuts differ from the Derbets both in terms of their dialect and customs. In the Volga region all these groups – the Torghuts, Khoshuds, Zyungar, Khoit, etc. – came to be known under the umbrella term of Kalmyk. Owing to widespread Russification, today the difference among various Kalmyk groups is negligible. With the passage of time, some Kalmyks, especially impoverished individuals, engaged in fishing. Those Kalmyks who lived close to the Volga and the Caspian Sea became good fishermen. Historically, the majority of Kalmyks were Torghuts, which means that the Kalmyk Khanate was in fact a Torghut Khanate. Hence, the Kalmyk Khan Ayuka described himself in his letters as a Torghut Khan. When in 1771 the majority of the Kalmyks, or Torghuts, set out on a return journey to Dzungaria, the number of the Torghuts that remained in Kalmykia diminished accordingly. When the Khanate was abolished by the Russian government as a consequence of this exodus, the Tundutov family of the Choros clan of the Derbet were appointed as representatives of the Russian administration among the Kalmyks. Historically, the Torghuts participated in religious wars. When Kagyu and Gelug schools of Buddhism fought with each other in Tibet, the Oirats supported Gelug, while the Khalkhas, or Mongols, supported Kagyu. It is known that a contingent of Torghut soldiers from the Volga reached Zungaria and Tibet. After their military campaign, they returned home. Sponsored by Arcadia Fund, a charitable fund of Lisbet Rausing and Peter Baldwin.

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    Authors: Terbish, Baasanjav;

    Bembya says that some temples in Kalmykia had Tibetan architectural influence. In Kalmykia, in one of the villages there stood a temple that resembled the mandala of Vajrabhairava. Many Kalmyk temples had symmetrical walls which is also known among other Mongolian groups. Kalmyks also had temples that had Russian influence. An example is the Khosheutovsky Temple, built in the likeness of the Kazan Cathedral in St. Petersburg. There were also temples that had mixed architecture, i.e. Tibetan-Mongolian or Tibetan-Oirat, although Kalmyks did not have temples with Chinese architectural influence. Sponsored by Arcadia Fund, a charitable fund of Lisbet Rausing and Peter Baldwin

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    Authors: Joanne Begiato; Lily Ford; Katie Barclay;

    The beautiful focus of this film is a quilt made in c.1890 in Swaledale and its journey through the generations of a family and on to the Quilters’ Guild collection in the early twenty-first century. It conveys how textiles hold powerful emotions for their makers and the relatives who have inherited them, and communicates the pleasures of hand quilting in the past and today. It also shows how inherited objects offer insights into our history, reflecting on the way inherited quilts provide insights into changing regional patterns of women’s work and lives. With Deborah McGuire and Joanne Begiato.

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    Authors: Terbish, Baasanjav;

    Mergen says that of all schools of Buddhism, Gelug was the most open to the masses. Whilst other schools, which were more closed, did not send out missionaries, Gelug pursued this line of activity. Despite being like this, Gelug also comprises of esotericism and secret tantric practices. The Oirats played an important role in the establishment of the Gelug tradition. Gushi Khan’s campaign, the creation of the Kokonor Khanate and the creation of a theocratic state in Tibet itself – these are all the contribution of the Oirats. The Oirats were also first among the Mongolian peoples to adopt Buddhism. In addition, the Kalmyks were instrumental in spreading Buddhism in modern Europe and the United States. There are many hypotheses about when Buddhism spread among the Oirats. Some scholars say that it was during Chingis Khan, others take it further back to the pre-Chingis period, and yet there are scholars who contend that Buddhism began to spread in the 17th century. At present, there are no historical sources to verify any of these theories. Before adopting Gelug, various Mongolian tribes practiced other Buddhist traditions. The question of why Mongolian tribes chose Gelug can be explained partly by the fact that Altan Khan of Mongolia had personal contact with the Dalai Lama III, head of the Gelug school. Born in the 15th century, Gelug spread among the Mongols in the 16th century. Why was Gelug so popular among the Oirats? In Mergen’s view, this school’s lavish ceremonies involving large numbers of monks might have attracted the Oirats. To this should be added Buddha’s prediction that his religion would spread to the north. There could be geographical factors as well added to this explanation. Sponsored by Arcadia Fund, a charitable fund of Lisbet Rausing and Peter Baldwin

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